英語の Urantia Book は、2006 年以来、世界中でパブリック ドメインです。.
翻訳: © 2015 ウランティア財団
SIN, SACRIFICE, AND ATONEMENT
罪、生贄、償い
1955 89:0.1 PRIMITIVE man regarded himself as being in debt to the spirits, as standing in need of redemption. As the savages looked at it, in justice the spirits might have visited much more bad luck upon them. As time passed, this concept developed into the doctrine of sin and salvation. The soul was looked upon as coming into the world under forfeit—original sin. The soul must be ransomed; a scapegoat must be provided. The head-hunter, in addition to practicing the cult of skull worship, was able to provide a substitute for his own life, a scapeman.
2015 89:0.1 原始人は、霊に恩義があると、つまり贖いの必要性があると考えた。未開人の観点からは、霊は、正義の立場からさらに多くの不運を自分達にもたらしたかもしれないのだとみなした。時の経過と共に、この概念は、罪と救済の教理へと発展した。魂は、喪失状態で世界に入ると—原罪—と見なされた。魂は、受け戻されなければならない。身代わりが、用意されなければならない。首狩り人は、頭蓋骨崇拝信仰の実践に加え、自身の命の替え玉を、身代わりを提供することができた。
1955 89:0.2 The savage was early possessed with the notion that spirits derive supreme satisfaction from the sight of human misery, suffering, and humiliation. At first, man was only concerned with sins of commission, but later he became exercised over sins of omission. And the whole subsequent sacrificial system grew up around these two ideas. This new ritual had to do with the observance of the propitiation ceremonies of sacrifice. Primitive man believed that something special must be done to win the favor of the gods; only advanced civilization recognizes a consistently even-tempered and benevolent God. Propitiation was insurance against immediate ill luck rather than investment in future bliss. And the rituals of avoidance, exorcism, coercion, and propitiation all merge into one another.
¶ 1. 禁忌
1. THE TABOO
1. 禁忌
1955 89:1.1 Observance of a taboo was man’s effort to dodge ill luck, to keep from offending the spirit ghosts by the avoidance of something. The taboos were at first nonreligious, but they early acquired ghost or spirit sanction, and when thus reinforced, they became lawmakers and institution builders. The taboo is the source of ceremonial standards and the ancestor of primitive self-control. It was the earliest form of societal regulation and for a long time the only one; it is still a basic unit of the social regulative structure.
1955 89:1.2 The respect which these prohibitions commanded in the mind of the savage exactly equaled his fear of the powers who were supposed to enforce them. Taboos first arose because of chance experience with ill luck; later they were proposed by chiefs and shamans—fetish men who were thought to be directed by a spirit ghost, even by a god. The fear of spirit retribution is so great in the mind of a primitive that he sometimes dies of fright when he has violated a taboo, and this dramatic episode enormously strengthens the hold of the taboo on the minds of the survivors.
1955 89:1.3 Among the earliest prohibitions were restrictions on the appropriation of women and other property. As religion began to play a larger part in the evolution of the taboo, the article resting under ban was regarded as unclean, subsequently as unholy. The records of the Hebrews are full of the mention of things clean and unclean, holy and unholy, but their beliefs along these lines were far less cumbersome and extensive than were those of many other peoples.
2015 89:1.3 最も初期の禁止の中には女性の処分と他の財産処分に制限があった。宗教は、禁忌の進化においてより大きい役割を演じ始めるにつれ、禁止令下にある品目は、不浄であると、後には神聖でないと見なされた。ヘブライ人の記録は、清廉なものと不浄なもの、聖なるものと邪悪なるものに多く言及しているが、これらの線に沿った信仰は、他の多くの民族のものよりもずっと厄介ではなく、広範囲におよばなかった。
1955 89:1.4 The seven commandments of Dalamatia and Eden, as well as the ten injunctions of the Hebrews, were definite taboos, all expressed in the same negative form as were the most ancient prohibitions. But these newer codes were truly emancipating in that they took the place of thousands of pre-existent taboos. And more than this, these later commandments definitely promised something in return for obedience.
1955 89:1.5 The early food taboos originated in fetishism and totemism. The swine was sacred to the Phoenicians, the cow to the Hindus. The Egyptian taboo on pork has been perpetuated by the Hebraic and Islamic faiths. A variant of the food taboo was the belief that a pregnant woman could think so much about a certain food that the child, when born, would be the echo of that food. Such viands would be taboo to the child.
1955 89:1.6 Methods of eating soon became taboo, and so originated ancient and modern table etiquette. Caste systems and social levels are vestigial remnants of olden prohibitions. The taboos were highly effective in organizing society, but they were terribly burdensome; the negative-ban system not only maintained useful and constructive regulations but also obsolete, outworn, and useless taboos.
2015 89:1.6 喫食方法は、やがて禁忌となり、昔と今の食事作法が始まった。カースト制度と社会階層は、昔の禁止の遺留である。禁忌は、社会の組織化において極めて効率的ではあったが、ひどく耐え難い負担であった。否定的な禁制は、有用で建設的な規則を維持するばかりでなく、陳腐で、時代遅れの、無益な禁忌をも維持した。
1955 89:1.7 There would, however, be no civilized society to sit in criticism upon primitive man except for these far-flung and multifarious taboos, and the taboo would never have endured but for the upholding sanctions of primitive religion. Many of the essential factors in man’s evolution have been highly expensive, have cost vast treasure in effort, sacrifice, and self-denial, but these achievements of self-control were the real rungs on which man climbed civilization’s ascending ladder.
2015 89:1.7 しかしながら、広範囲の、しかも多種多様のこれらの禁忌を除外し、原始人に関する批評に参加する文明的社会というものは、ないであろうし、禁忌は、原始宗教の支えとなる制裁がなかったならば決して持続はしなかったであろう。人間進化における不可欠要素の多くは、非常に高価であり、努力、犠牲、自己犠牲においては莫大な費用が掛かったが、これらの自制の業績は、人が文明の上向いのはしごを登る本物の横木であった。
¶ 2. 罪の概念
2. THE CONCEPT OF SIN
2. 罪の概念
1955 89:2.1 The fear of chance and the dread of bad luck literally drove man into the invention of primitive religion as supposed insurance against these calamities. From magic and ghosts, religion evolved through spirits and fetishes to taboos. Every primitive tribe had its tree of forbidden fruit, literally the apple but figuratively consisting of a thousand branches hanging heavy with all sorts of taboos. And the forbidden tree always said, “Thou shalt not.”
1955 89:2.2 As the savage mind evolved to that point where it envisaged both good and bad spirits, and when the taboo received the solemn sanction of evolving religion, the stage was all set for the appearance of the new conception of sin. The idea of sin was universally established in the world before revealed religion ever made its entry. It was only by the concept of sin that natural death became logical to the primitive mind. Sin was the transgression of taboo, and death was the penalty of sin.
1955 89:2.3 Sin was ritual, not rational; an act, not a thought. And this entire concept of sin was fostered by the lingering traditions of Dilmun and the days of a little paradise on earth. The tradition of Adam and the Garden of Eden also lent substance to the dream of a onetime “golden age” of the dawn of the races. And all this confirmed the ideas later expressed in the belief that man had his origin in a special creation, that he started his career in perfection, and that transgression of the taboos—sin—brought him down to his later sorry plight.
1955 89:2.4 The habitual violation of a taboo became a vice; primitive law made vice a crime; religion made it a sin. Among the early tribes the violation of a taboo was a combined crime and sin. Community calamity was always regarded as punishment for tribal sin. To those who believed that prosperity and righteousness went together, the apparent prosperity of the wicked occasioned so much worry that it was necessary to invent hells for the punishment of taboo violators; the numbers of these places of future punishment have varied from one to five.
1955 89:2.5 The idea of confession and forgiveness early appeared in primitive religion. Men would ask forgiveness at a public meeting for sins they intended to commit the following week. Confession was merely a rite of remission, also a public notification of defilement, a ritual of crying “unclean, unclean!” Then followed all the ritualistic schemes of purification. All ancient peoples practiced these meaningless ceremonies. Many apparently hygienic customs of the early tribes were largely ceremonial.
¶ 3. 断念と屈辱
3. RENUNCIATION AND HUMILIATION
3. 断念と屈辱
1955 89:3.1 Renunciation came as the next step in religious evolution; fasting was a common practice. Soon it became the custom to forgo many forms of physical pleasure, especially of a sexual nature. The ritual of the fast was deeply rooted in many ancient religions and has been handed down to practically all modern theologic systems of thought.
1955 89:3.2 Just about the time barbarian man was recovering from the wasteful practice of burning and burying property with the dead, just as the economic structure of the races was beginning to take shape, this new religious doctrine of renunciation appeared, and tens of thousands of earnest souls began to court poverty. Property was regarded as a spiritual handicap. These notions of the spiritual dangers of material possession were widespreadly entertained in the times of Philo and Paul, and they have markedly influenced European philosophy ever since.
1955 89:3.3 Poverty was just a part of the ritual of the mortification of the flesh which, unfortunately, became incorporated into the writings and teachings of many religions, notably Christianity. Penance is the negative form of this ofttimes foolish ritual of renunciation. But all this taught the savage self-control, and that was a worth-while advancement in social evolution. Self-denial and self-control were two of the greatest social gains from early evolutionary religion. Self-control gave man a new philosophy of life; it taught him the art of augmenting life’s fraction by lowering the denominator of personal demands instead of always attempting to increase the numerator of selfish gratification.
1955 89:3.4 These olden ideas of self-discipline embraced flogging and all sorts of physical torture. The priests of the mother cult were especially active in teaching the virtue of physical suffering, setting the example by submitting themselves to castration. The Hebrews, Hindus, and Buddhists were earnest devotees of this doctrine of physical humiliation.
2015 89:3.4 自己訓練のこれらの昔の考えは、鞭打ちや肉体的拷問の様々な種類を取り入れた。母信仰の聖職者は、自らが去勢を甘受し手本を示し、肉体的な苦しみの美徳を教えることに特に活発であった。ヘブライ人、ヒンズー教徒、仏教徒は、肉体的屈辱のこの教義の熱心な信者であった。
1955 89:3.5 All through the olden times men sought in these ways for extra credits on the self-denial ledgers of their gods. It was once customary, when under some emotional stress, to make vows of self-denial and self-torture. In time these vows assumed the form of contracts with the gods and, in that sense, represented true evolutionary progress in that the gods were supposed to do something definite in return for this self-torture and mortification of the flesh. Vows were both negative and positive. Pledges of this harmful and extreme nature are best observed today among certain groups in India.
2015 89:3.5 人間は、古代ずっと神の自制の原簿上に余分な貸し方記入においてこれらの方法を探求した。自己否定と苦行の誓いをたてることは、かつては何らかの情緒の緊張下における慣習であった。これらの誓いは、そのうちに、神との契約の型をとり、その意味で、神が、肉体のこの難行と屈辱の代償に何か明確なことをするはずだと考えられたがゆえに、真の進化の過程を意味した。誓いは、否定的でもあり、肯定的でもある。今日この有害で極端な自然の誓約が、インドの特定集団の間に最もよく観測される。
1955 89:3.6 It was only natural that the cult of renunciation and humiliation should have paid attention to sexual gratification. The continence cult originated as a ritual among soldiers prior to engaging in battle; in later days it became the practice of “saints.” This cult tolerated marriage only as an evil lesser than fornication. Many of the world’s great religions have been adversely influenced by this ancient cult, but none more markedly than Christianity. The Apostle Paul was a devotee of this cult, and his personal views are reflected in the teachings which he fastened onto Christian theology: “It is good for a man not to touch a woman.” “I would that all men were even as I myself.” “I say, therefore, to the unmarried and widows, it is good for them to abide even as I.” Paul well knew that such teachings were not a part of Jesus’ gospel, and his acknowledgment of this is illustrated by his statement, “I speak this by permission and not by commandment.” But this cult led Paul to look down upon women. And the pity of it all is that his personal opinions have long influenced the teachings of a great world religion. If the advice of the tentmaker-teacher were to be literally and universally obeyed, then would the human race come to a sudden and inglorious end. Furthermore, the involvement of a religion with the ancient continence cult leads directly to a war against marriage and the home, society’s veritable foundation and the basic institution of human progress. And it is not to be wondered at that all such beliefs fostered the formation of celibate priesthoods in the many religions of various peoples.
2015 89:3.6 断念と屈辱の信仰が、性的満足に注意を向けたのは尤もなことであった。禁欲信仰は、戦争従事に先立つ兵士の間の儀式として生まれた。それは、後日、「聖者」の慣習になった。この信仰は、密通よりも単なる小悪であるという理由から結婚を黙認した。世界の重要な宗教の多くが、この古代信仰に著しく影響を受けてきたが、キリスト教が、何にもまして最も影響を受けてきた。使徒パウーロスは、この宗派の熱愛者であり、その個人的視点は、パウーロスがキリスト教神学に結びつけた教えに反映されている。「男が女に触れないのは良いことである。」「すべての人が私のようであればよいのに。」「私は、それ故、未婚者と未亡人に、私のようにしていさえすれば良い、と言う。」パウーロスは、そのような教えは、イエスの福音の一部でないことをよく知っていたし、これに関してのパウーロスの承認が、「私は命令によって話すのではなく、許可でこれを話す」というその声明によって例証されている。しかしこの信仰は、パウーロスを女性軽蔑へと導いた。一番残念なことは、パウーロスの個人的な意見が、重要な世界宗教の教えに長い間影響を及ぼしているということである。天幕造りの教師の忠告が文字通り、しかも広く順守されるならば、人類は、突然の、不名誉な終わりに至ったことであろう。その上、古代の禁欲礼賛との宗教のかかわり合いは、結婚と家庭との戦い、社会の本物の基礎と人間の進歩の基本的制度に直接通じる。そのような総ての信仰が、様々な民族の多くの宗教における独身司祭の形成を育んだということは驚きに当たらない。
[16][17][18][19][20]
1955 89:3.7 Someday man should learn how to enjoy liberty without license, nourishment without gluttony, and pleasure without debauchery. Self-control is a better human policy of behavior regulation than is extreme self-denial. Nor did Jesus ever teach these unreasonable views to his followers.
2015 89:3.7 人は、いつの日か認可なくして自由を、暴食癖なくして栄養を、放蕩なくして快楽を享受する方法を学ぶべきである。自制は、人間の極端な自己否定であるよりも行動上の規制のためのより良い手段である。イエスもまた、決してこれらの無理な見解を追随者に教えなかった。
¶ 4. 生贄の起源
4. ORIGINS OF SACRIFICE
4. 生贄の起源
1955 89:4.1 Sacrifice as a part of religious devotions, like many other worshipful rituals, did not have a simple and single origin. The tendency to bow down before power and to prostrate oneself in worshipful adoration in the presence of mystery is foreshadowed in the fawning of the dog before its master. It is but one step from the impulse of worship to the act of sacrifice. Primitive man gauged the value of his sacrifice by the pain which he suffered. When the idea of sacrifice first attached itself to religious ceremonial, no offering was contemplated which was not productive of pain. The first sacrifices were such acts as plucking hair, cutting the flesh, mutilations, knocking out teeth, and cutting off fingers. As civilization advanced, these crude concepts of sacrifice were elevated to the level of the rituals of self-abnegation, asceticism, fasting, deprivation, and the later Christian doctrine of sanctification through sorrow, suffering, and the mortification of the flesh.
2015 89:4.1 信仰心の一部としての生贄には、他の多くの信心深い儀式と同様に、単純かつただ唯一の源を持たなかった。権威に頭を下げたり、神秘の存在の前に信心深い敬愛でひれ伏す傾向は、その主の前の犬のへつらいに見られる。それは、崇拝の衝動から生贄行為への一歩に過ぎない。原始人は、自分が被った痛みにより生贄の値打ちを測った。最初に生贄に対する考え方が、宗教儀式に加わったとき、痛みを生じない捧げものは検討されなかった。最初の生贄は、毛を引き抜いたり、肉を切ったり切断したり、歯を叩き落したり、指を切除するような行為であった。生贄のこれらの粗野な考え方は、文明が進むにつれ自己犠牲、禁欲、断食、剥奪の儀式への段階へと、そして肉体の悲しみ、苦しみ、苦行を経る後のキリスト教義の清めへと高められた。
1955 89:4.2 Early in the evolution of religion there existed two conceptions of the sacrifice: the idea of the gift sacrifice, which connoted the attitude of thanksgiving, and the debt sacrifice, which embraced the idea of redemption. Later there developed the notion of substitution.
2015 89:4.2 宗教発展の初期、生贄に関する2つの概念が存在した。感謝の気持の態度を意味する寄贈の生贄、そして贖いの考えを取り入れた負債の生贄の考え。その後、代替の概念が展開した。
1955 89:4.3 Man still later conceived that his sacrifice of whatever nature might function as a message bearer to the gods; it might be as a sweet savor in the nostrils of deity. This brought incense and other aesthetic features of sacrificial rituals which developed into sacrificial feasting, in time becoming increasingly elaborate and ornate.
1955 89:4.4 As religion evolved, the sacrificial rites of conciliation and propitiation replaced the older methods of avoidance, placation, and exorcism.
2015 89:4.4 和解と宥めの生贄の儀式は、宗教が発展するにつれ回避、慰め、悪魔払いのより古い方法を差し換えた。
1955 89:4.5 The earliest idea of the sacrifice was that of a neutrality assessment levied by ancestral spirits; only later did the idea of atonement develop. As man got away from the notion of the evolutionary origin of the race, as the traditions of the days of the Planetary Prince and the sojourn of Adam filtered down through time, the concept of sin and of original sin became widespread, so that sacrifice for accidental and personal sin evolved into the doctrine of sacrifice for the atonement of racial sin. The atonement of the sacrifice was a blanket insurance device which covered even the resentment and jealousy of an unknown god.
2015 89:4.5 生贄の最も初期の考えは、先祖の霊に課せられる敵意のない査定の考えであった。償いの考えは、後にようやく展開した。人が人種の進化の起源の概念から逃がれるにつれ、つまり惑星王子時代の伝統とアダームの滞在が時とともに知れ渡るにつれ、罪と原罪の概念が、広範囲におよび、ゆえに偶発的、個人的な罪の生贄が、人種的な罪の償いに関する生贄の原理へと発展した。生贄の償いは、未知の神の憤りと嫉妬さえ覆い隠す総合保険手段であった。
1955 89:4.6 Surrounded by so many sensitive spirits and grasping gods, primitive man was face to face with such a host of creditor deities that it required all the priests, ritual, and sacrifices throughout an entire lifetime to get him out of spiritual debt. The doctrine of original sin, or racial guilt, started every person out in serious debt to the spirit powers.
2015 89:4.6 多くのとても感情を害し易い霊と意地汚い神に囲まれた原始人は、すべての聖職者、儀式、それに精神的負債から救い出す全生涯を通じての生贄を必要とするそのような多くの債権者である神と直面した。原罪の、または人間の罪の教義は、生まれるすべての人を霊の力に対して由々しい負債を作らせた。
1955 89:4.7 Gifts and bribes are given to men; but when tendered to the gods, they are described as being dedicated, made sacred, or are called sacrifices. Renunciation was the negative form of propitiation; sacrifice became the positive form. The act of propitiation included praise, glorification, flattery, and even entertainment. And it is the remnants of these positive practices of the olden propitiation cult that constitute the modern forms of divine worship. Present-day forms of worship are simply the ritualization of these ancient sacrificial techniques of positive propitiation.
2015 89:4.7 寄贈と賄賂は人に与えられる。しかし、神に供されるとき、それらは神聖に作られたとか、捧げられたとか描写されるか、または生贄と呼ばれる。断念は、宥めの消極的な形であった。生贄は、積極的な型になった。宥めの行為は、称賛、賛美、世辞、それに持てなしさえ盛り込んでいた。それは、神の崇拝の現代の形式を構成している昔の宥めの信仰の積極的なこれらの習慣の名残りである。崇拝の現代の型は、単にこれらの古代の生贄の積極的な宥めの手法の儀式化である。
1955 89:4.8 Animal sacrifice meant much more to primitive man than it could ever mean to modern races. These barbarians regarded the animals as their actual and near kin. As time passed, man became shrewd in his sacrificing, ceasing to offer up his work animals. At first he sacrificed the best of everything, including his domesticated animals.
1955 89:4.9 It was no empty boast that a certain Egyptian ruler made when he stated that he had sacrificed: 113,433 slaves, 493,386 head of cattle, 88 boats, 2,756 golden images, 331,702 jars of honey and oil, 228,380 jars of wine, 680,714 geese, 6,744,428 loaves of bread, and 5,740,352 sacks of corn. And in order to do this he must needs have sorely taxed his toiling subjects.
2015 89:4.9 あるエジプトの支配者が次のような生贄をしたと述べたとき、それは、空威張りではなかった。11万3,433人の奴隷、49万3,386頭の牛、88隻の船、2,756個の黄金の形象、33万1,702本の蜂蜜と油、22万8,380本の葡萄酒、68万714羽のガチョウ、674万4,428本のパン、574万352袋の硬貨。このために彼は、骨折って働く臣下に痛ましいほどに税をかけねばならなかった。
1955 89:4.10 Sheer necessity eventually drove these semisavages to eat the material part of their sacrifices, the gods having enjoyed the soul thereof. And this custom found justification under the pretense of the ancient sacred meal, a communion service according to modern usage.
¶ 5. 生贄と人食い習慣
5. SACRIFICES AND CANNIBALISM
5. 生贄と人食い習慣
1955 89:5.1 Modern ideas of early cannibalism are entirely wrong; it was a part of the mores of early society. While cannibalism is traditionally horrible to modern civilization, it was a part of the social and religious structure of primitive society. Group interests dictated the practice of cannibalism. It grew up through the urge of necessity and persisted because of the slavery of superstition and ignorance. It was a social, economic, religious, and military custom.
2015 89:5.1 初期の人食い習慣に対する現代の考え方は、完全に誤っている。それは、早期社会の慣習の一部であった。人食い習慣は、伝統的に現代文明にとっては身の毛もよだつものであるが、それは、原始社会の社会構造と宗教構造の一部であった。集団の利益が、人食い習慣の実践を決定した。それは、迷信と無知への奴隷状態ゆえに必要性の催促にそって成長し、持続した。それは、社会、経済、宗教、そして軍事上の習慣であった。
1955 89:5.2 Early man was a cannibal; he enjoyed human flesh, and therefore he offered it as a food gift to the spirits and his primitive gods. Since ghost spirits were merely modified men, and since food was man’s greatest need, then food must likewise be a spirit’s greatest need.
2015 89:5.2 古代人は、人食い人種であった。古代人は、人肉を味わい、それゆえに霊と原始の神に食物の贈り物としてそれを捧げた。亡霊霊は、単に変性した人間であり、また食物は、人間の最大の必要物でる理由から、食物は、ひいては同様に霊の最大の必要物であったに違いない。
1955 89:5.3 Cannibalism was once well-nigh universal among the evolving races. The Sangiks were all cannibalistic, but originally the Andonites were not, nor were the Nodites and Adamites; neither were the Andites until after they had become grossly admixed with the evolutionary races.
2015 89:5.3 人食い習慣は、かつて進化的人種の間ではほとんど普遍的であった。サンギク系は、すべて人食いであったが、元々アンドン系はそうではなく、ノヅ系もアダーム系もそうではなかった。アンド系も、進化的人種との甚だしい混合が始まるまでそうではなかった。
1955 89:5.4 The taste for human flesh grows. Having been started through hunger, friendship, revenge, or religious ritual, the eating of human flesh goes on to habitual cannibalism. Man-eating has arisen through food scarcity, though this has seldom been the underlying reason. The Eskimos and early Andonites, however, seldom were cannibalistic except in times of famine. The red men, especially in Central America, were cannibals. It was once a general practice for primitive mothers to kill and eat their own children in order to renew the strength lost in childbearing, and in Queensland the first child is still frequently thus killed and devoured. In recent times cannibalism has been deliberately resorted to by many African tribes as a war measure, a sort of frightfulness with which to terrorize their neighbors.
2015 89:5.4 人肉嗜好は、進む。飢餓、友情、報復、または宗教儀式で始まると、人肉を食することは、習慣的食人に移行する。人食いは、滅多にこれが基本的理由ではないものの、食料不足を経験して起こった。しかしながらエスキモーと初期のアンドン系は、飢饉の時を除いては、滅多に人食いはしなかった。赤色人種は、特に中米では、人食い人種であった。出産で失われる体力を更新する目的で自身の子供を殺して食べるのが、かつて原始の母にとっての一般的習慣であり、クイーンズランド州では、最初の子供は、今もなお頻繁にこのようにして殺され、むさぼり食われる。近代における人食いの習慣は、多くのアフリカ部族による戦争手段として、隣人を恐れさせる一種の恐怖として用いられてきた。
1955 89:5.5 Some cannibalism resulted from the degeneration of once superior stocks, but it was mostly prevalent among the evolutionary races. Man-eating came on at a time when men experienced intense and bitter emotions regarding their enemies. Eating human flesh became part of a solemn ceremony of revenge; it was believed that an enemy’s ghost could, in this way, be destroyed or fused with that of the eater. It was once a widespread belief that wizards attained their powers by eating human flesh.
2015 89:5.5 一定の人食い習慣は、一度は優勢の血統の退化から生じたが、それは、進化的人種の中ではほとんど一般的であった。人食いは、人間が、敵への激しく苦々しい感情を経験すると一度に起こった。人肉を食することは、報復の厳粛な儀式の一部になった。敵の亡霊は、破壊され得るか、または食べる人と融合できると信じられた。男性の魔法使いは、人肉を食することによりその力を得るということが、かつては広範囲におよぶ信仰であった。
1955 89:5.6 Certain groups of man-eaters would consume only members of their own tribes, a pseudospiritual inbreeding which was supposed to accentuate tribal solidarity. But they also ate enemies for revenge with the idea of appropriating their strength. It was considered an honor to the soul of a friend or fellow tribesman if his body were eaten, while it was no more than just punishment to an enemy thus to devour him. The savage mind made no pretensions to being consistent.
2015 89:5.6 ある人食い集団は、自身の部族の者、部族団結を強くすると考えられた擬似霊の同系交配だけを消費するのであった。しかし、彼らは、その強さを盗用する考えで報復のためにも敵を食べた。その身体が、食べられたならばそれは友人、または仲間の部族民の魂にとり名誉であると考えられ、一方で敵をむさぼり食うことは、敵への罰以外の何物でもなかった。未開人の心は、一貫性への何の見せかけもしなかった。
1955 89:5.7 Among some tribes aged parents would seek to be eaten by their children; among others it was customary to refrain from eating near relations; their bodies were sold or exchanged for those of strangers. There was considerable commerce in women and children who had been fattened for slaughter. When disease or war failed to control population, the surplus was unceremoniously eaten.
2015 89:5.7 いくつかの部族の間では、老いた両親が、その子供に食べられようとしたのであった。近親者を食べることは、他の部族では控えるのが慣習であった、それらの体は売られるか、他人のものと交換された。殺戮の目的で肥育された女性と子供のかなりの取引きがあった。病気、もしくは戦争が、人口を抑え切れないときは、余剰人数は、あっさり食された。
1955 89:5.8 Cannibalism has been gradually disappearing because of the following influences:
2015 89:5.8 人食い習慣は、次の影響のために徐々に消えつつある。
1955 89:5.9 1. It sometimes became a communal ceremony, the assumption of collective responsibility for inflicting the death penalty upon a fellow tribesman. The blood guilt ceases to be a crime when participated in by all, by society. The last of cannibalism in Asia was this eating of executed criminals.
2015 89:5.9 1. それは、共同儀式、仲間の部族民に死刑を課す共同責任の肩代りになることがあった。流血の罪悪感は、全員が、すなわち社会が参加するとき犯罪でなくなる。アジアの人食い習慣の最後は、処刑された犯罪者を食するこれであった。
1955 89:5.10 2. It very early became a religious ritual, but the growth of ghost fear did not always operate to reduce man-eating.
2015 89:5.10 2. それは、非常に早く宗教儀式になったが、亡霊への恐怖の増大が、人食い習慣の減少に常に作用したというわけではかった。
1955 89:5.11 3. Eventually it progressed to the point where only certain parts or organs of the body were eaten, those parts supposed to contain the soul or portions of the spirit. Blood drinking became common, and it was customary to mix the “edible” parts of the body with medicines.
2015 89:5.11 3. 最終的にはそれは、体の一部分あるいは器官、つまり魂もしくは霊の部分を有すると考えられるそれらの部分だけが食べられるという程度にまで進歩した。飲血が一般的になり、薬に体の「食べられる」部分を混合することが慣習であった。
1955 89:5.12 4. It became limited to men; women were forbidden to eat human flesh.
2015 89:5.12 4. それは、男性に限られるようになった。女性が、人肉を食べることは禁じられた。
1955 89:5.13 5. It was next limited to the chiefs, priests, and shamans.
2015 89:5.13 5. 次には首長、聖職者、およびシャーマンに限られた。
1955 89:5.14 6. Then it became taboo among the higher tribes. The taboo on man-eating originated in Dalamatia and slowly spread over the world. The Nodites encouraged cremation as a means of combating cannibalism since it was once a common practice to dig up buried bodies and eat them.
2015 89:5.14 6. その後、 それは、より高度の部族の間では禁制になった。人食いの禁制は、ダラマティアに始まり、ゆっくりと世界に広がった。かつては埋葬された体を掘り起こしそれを食べるのが一般的な習慣であったので、ノヅ系は、人食い習慣に対抗する方法として火葬を奨励した。
1955 89:5.15 7. Human sacrifice sounded the death knell of cannibalism. Human flesh having become the food of superior men, the chiefs, it was eventually reserved for the still more superior spirits; and thus the offering of human sacrifices effectively put a stop to cannibalism, except among the lowest tribes. When human sacrifice was fully established, man-eating became taboo; human flesh was food only for the gods; man could eat only a small ceremonial bit, a sacrament.
2015 89:5.15 7. 人間の生贄は、死者の人食い習慣に弔鐘を鳴らした。人肉は、優れた人間、つまり首長の食物になり、ついにはさらに優れた霊のために取り置かれた。その結果人間の生贄の供え物が、最も劣る部族を除いては、人食い習慣を有効に終わらせた。人食いは、人間の生贄が完全に確立されて禁制となった。人肉は、神のためだけの食物であった。人は、わずかな儀式的小片、聖餐しか食べることができなかった。
1955 89:5.16 Finally animal substitutes came into general use for sacrificial purposes, and even among the more backward tribes dog-eating greatly reduced man-eating. The dog was the first domesticated animal and was held in high esteem both as such and as food.
2015 89:5.16 最終的には動物が、生贄目的の一般的用途になり、またより後退した部族の間でさえも犬を食べることが、人食いを大いに減少させた。犬は、飼い馴らした最初の動物であり、食物としてもそれ自体高い評価で保持された。
¶ 6. 人間の生贄の発展
6. EVOLUTION OF HUMAN SACRIFICE
6. 人間の生贄の発展
1955 89:6.1 Human sacrifice was an indirect result of cannibalism as well as its cure. Providing spirit escorts to the spirit world also led to the lessening of man-eating as it was never the custom to eat these death sacrifices. No race has been entirely free from the practice of human sacrifice in some form and at some time, even though the Andonites, Nodites, and Adamites were the least addicted to cannibalism.
2015 89:6.1 人間の生贄は、人食い習慣の間接的結果でもあり、その解決策でもあった。決してこれらの死の生贄を食することが習慣ではないとき、霊世界への霊の護衛の提供はまた人食いの減少へと導いた。アンドン系、ノヅ系、アダーム系は、人食い習慣に最も耽けってはいない者であったが、いかなる人種も何らかの型における、またはいつかの時点において人間の生贄の習慣と完全に無関係ではなかった。
1955 89:6.2 Human sacrifice has been virtually universal; it persisted in the religious customs of the Chinese, Hindus, Egyptians, Hebrews, Mesopotamians, Greeks, Romans, and many other peoples, even on to recent times among the backward African and Australian tribes. The later American Indians had a civilization emerging from cannibalism and, therefore, steeped in human sacrifice, especially in Central and South America. The Chaldeans were among the first to abandon the sacrificing of humans for ordinary occasions, substituting therefor animals. About two thousand years ago a tenderhearted Japanese emperor introduced clay images to take the place of human sacrifices, but it was less than a thousand years ago that these sacrifices died out in northern Europe. Among certain backward tribes, human sacrifice is still carried on by volunteers, a sort of religious or ritual suicide. A shaman once ordered the sacrifice of a much respected old man of a certain tribe. The people revolted; they refused to obey. Whereupon the old man had his own son dispatch him; the ancients really believed in this custom.
2015 89:6.2 人間の生贄は、事実上普遍的特性である。それは、中国人、ヒンズー教徒、エジプト人、ヘブライ人、メソポタミア人、ギリシア人、ローマ人、および他の多くの民族の宗教慣習に存続し、アフリカやオーストラリアの進歩の遅い部族の間で最近に至ってまでも存続した。後のアメリカ先住民には、人食い習慣からの新生する文明があり、したがって、人間の生贄に浸った。特に中米と南米において。動物をその代用にし、通常時の人間の生贄を最初に断念したのはカルデア人であった。およそ2,000年前、心の優しい日本の天皇は、人間の生贄の代わりをする埴輪を導入したが、北ヨーロッパでこれらの生贄が立ち消えになるのは、1,000年足らずも前のことである。人間の生贄は、進歩の遅いある部族においては一種の宗教的あるいは儀式的な志願者による自殺がまだ続けられている。あるシャーマンは、以前ある部族の非常に尊敬される一老人の生贄を命じた。人々は、反抗した。従おうとしなかった。するとこの老人は、自分の息子をシャーマンに殺させた。古代人は、この習慣を信じ切っていた。[24]
1955 89:6.3 There is no more tragic and pathetic experience on record, illustrative of the heart-tearing contentions between ancient and time-honored religious customs and the contrary demands of advancing civilization, than the Hebrew narrative of Jephthah and his only daughter. As was common custom, this well-meaning man had made a foolish vow, had bargained with the “god of battles,” agreeing to pay a certain price for victory over his enemies. And this price was to make a sacrifice of that which first came out of his house to meet him when he returned to his home. Jephthah thought that one of his trusty slaves would thus be on hand to greet him, but it turned out that his daughter and only child came out to welcome him home. And so, even at that late date and among a supposedly civilized people, this beautiful maiden, after two months to mourn her fate, was actually offered as a human sacrifice by her father, and with the approval of his fellow tribesmen. And all this was done in the face of Moses’ stringent rulings against the offering of human sacrifice. But men and women are addicted to making foolish and needless vows, and the men of old held all such pledges to be highly sacred.
2015 89:6.3 古代の、昔ながらの宗教習慣と前進的文明の正反対の要求の間の心を引き裂く争いの例証となる記録上のイフサーと一人娘のヘブライの物語より悲惨で哀れな経験はない。この善意の男性は、一般の習慣通り愚かな誓いをし、敵への勝利に対しある代償を支払うことに同意し、「戦いの神」と掛け合ってしまった。この代償とは、この男性が、自宅に帰り着くと、迎えに最初に家から出て来た者を生贄にするというものであった。イフサーは、信頼できる奴隷の一人が、迎えを務めるものと思っていたのだが、自分の娘の、しかも一粒種が、喜んで自分の帰宅を迎えるために出て来たのであった。そのため、そんな後の時代でさえも、しかも一応は文明的民族の間においてさえ、この美しい乙女は、その運命を悲しむ2カ月後に、実際にその父により、また仲間の部族民の賛意をもって人間の生贄として捧げられた。このすべてが、人間の生贄奉納に対するモーシェの厳しい裁定にもかかわらず為されたのであった。しかし男女は、愚かで不必要な誓いをたてることに耽け、また、老人は、そのようなすべての誓約を非常に神聖であると信じられた。[25][26]
1955 89:6.4 In olden times, when a new building of any importance was started, it was customary to slay a human being as a “foundation sacrifice.” This provided a ghost spirit to watch over and protect the structure. When the Chinese made ready to cast a bell, custom decreed the sacrifice of at least one maiden for the purpose of improving the tone of the bell; the girl chosen was thrown alive into the molten metal.
1955 89:6.5 It was long the practice of many groups to build slaves alive into important walls. In later times the northern European tribes substituted the walling in of the shadow of a passerby for this custom of entombing living persons in the walls of new buildings. The Chinese buried in a wall those workmen who died while constructing it.
2015 89:6.5 重要な壁に生きた奴隷を組み入れることが多くの集団の長い間の習慣であった。北ヨーロッパ部族は、後代に新しい建物の壁に生きている人間を葬るこの習慣の替わりに通行人の影を壁の中に置き換えた。中国人は、建設中に死亡したそれらの労働者を壁の中に葬った。
1955 89:6.6 A petty king in Palestine, in building the walls of Jericho, “laid the foundation thereof in Abiram, his first-born, and set up the gates thereof in his youngest son, Segub.” At that late date, not only did this father put two of his sons alive in the foundation holes of the city’s gates, but his action is also recorded as being “according to the word of the Lord.” Moses had forbidden these foundation sacrifices, but the Israelites reverted to them soon after his death. The twentieth-century ceremony of depositing trinkets and keepsakes in the cornerstone of a new building is reminiscent of the primitive foundation sacrifices.
1955 89:6.7 It was long the custom of many peoples to dedicate the first fruits to the spirits. And these observances, now more or less symbolic, are all survivals of the early ceremonies involving human sacrifice. The idea of offering the first-born as a sacrifice was widespread among the ancients, especially among the Phoenicians, who were the last to give it up. It used to be said upon sacrificing, “life for life.” Now you say at death, “dust to dust.”
1955 89:6.8 The spectacle of Abraham constrained to sacrifice his son Isaac, while shocking to civilized susceptibilities, was not a new or strange idea to the men of those days. It was long a prevalent practice for fathers, at times of great emotional stress, to sacrifice their first-born sons. Many peoples have a tradition analogous to this story, for there once existed a world-wide and profound belief that it was necessary to offer a human sacrifice when anything extraordinary or unusual happened.
¶ 7. 人間の生贄の修正
7. MODIFICATIONS OF HUMAN SACRIFICE
7. 人間の生贄の修正
1955 89:7.1 Moses attempted to end human sacrifices by inaugurating the ransom as a substitute. He established a systematic schedule which enabled his people to escape the worst results of their rash and foolish vows. Lands, properties, and children could be redeemed according to the established fees, which were payable to the priests. Those groups which ceased to sacrifice their first-born soon possessed great advantages over less advanced neighbors who continued these atrocious acts. Many such backward tribes were not only greatly weakened by this loss of sons, but even the succession of leadership was often broken.
1955 89:7.2 An outgrowth of the passing child sacrifice was the custom of smearing blood on the house doorposts for the protection of the first-born. This was often done in connection with one of the sacred feasts of the year, and this ceremony once obtained over most of the world from Mexico to Egypt.
1955 89:7.3 Even after most groups had ceased the ritual killing of children, it was the custom to put an infant away by itself, off in the wilderness or in a little boat on the water. If the child survived, it was thought that the gods had intervened to preserve him, as in the traditions of Sargon, Moses, Cyrus, and Romulus. Then came the practice of dedicating the first-born sons as sacred or sacrificial, allowing them to grow up and then exiling them in lieu of death; this was the origin of colonization. The Romans adhered to this custom in their scheme of colonization.
1955 89:7.4 Many of the peculiar associations of sex laxity with primitive worship had their origin in connection with human sacrifice. In olden times, if a woman met head-hunters, she could redeem her life by sexual surrender. Later, a maiden consecrated to the gods as a sacrifice might elect to redeem her life by dedicating her body for life to the sacred sex service of the temple; in this way she could earn her redemption money. The ancients regarded it as highly elevating to have sex relations with a woman thus engaged in ransoming her life. It was a religious ceremony to consort with these sacred maidens, and in addition, this whole ritual afforded an acceptable excuse for commonplace sexual gratification. This was a subtle species of self-deception which both the maidens and their consorts delighted to practice upon themselves. The mores always drag behind in the evolutionary advance of civilization, thus providing sanction for the earlier and more savagelike sex practices of the evolving races.
2015 89:7.4 原始崇拝と独特の性のだらしなさとの多くの結びつきは、人間の生贄とにその起源があった。女性は、昔首狩り人に出会ったならば、性的降伏により自分の生命を救うことができたのであった。その後、生贄として神に奉納される少女は、寺の神聖な性の奉仕のために身体を捧げることで、自分の生命の救いを選ぶことができた。この方法で自分の買い戻しの金を得ることができた。古代人は、このようにして自分の命の贖いに従事する女性と性関係を持つことを極めて高揚的であるとみなした。それは、神聖な少女と付き合う宗教儀式であり、さらに、この儀式全体は、平凡な性的満足感への無難な口実を提供した。これは、少女達とその相手の双方が、自らに実践する微かな自己欺瞞の種であった。慣習は、文明の段階的進歩において常に遅れをとり、その結果、進化的人種の初期の、 しかもより野蛮な性の慣習を是認した。
1955 89:7.5 Temple harlotry eventually spread throughout southern Europe and Asia. The money earned by the temple prostitutes was held sacred among all peoples—a high gift to present to the gods. The highest types of women thronged the temple sex marts and devoted their earnings to all kinds of sacred services and works of public good. Many of the better classes of women collected their dowries by temporary sex service in the temples, and most men preferred to have such women for wives.
2015 89:7.5 寺の売春は、ついには南ヨーロッパとアジア全体に広まった。寺の売春婦から得た金は、すべての民族の間で神聖—神への気高い進物—であると考えられた。最高の型の女性が、寺の性市場に群がり、その収益をすべての神聖な奉仕と公的利益の仕事の捧げた。上流階級の女性の多くは、寺での暫定的な性の接客業により結婚持参金を集め、ほとんどの男性が、そのような女性を妻に持つことを好んだ。
¶ 8. 贖いと契約
8. REDEMPTION AND COVENANTS
8. 贖いと契約
1955 89:8.1 Sacrificial redemption and temple prostitution were in reality modifications of human sacrifice. Next came the mock sacrifice of daughters. This ceremony consisted in bloodletting, with dedication to lifelong virginity, and was a moral reaction to the older temple harlotry. In more recent times virgins dedicated themselves to the service of tending the sacred temple fires.
2015 89:8.1 犠牲の贖いと寺の売春は、実際には人間の生贄の変形であった。次いで娘達の見せかけの生贄が、登場した。この儀式は、流血と生涯純血の誓いからなり、昔の寺の売春への道徳的反応であった。最近では、処女達は、神聖な寺の火の番の仕事に専念した。
1955 89:8.2 Men eventually conceived the idea that the offering of some part of the body could take the place of the older and complete human sacrifice. Physical mutilation was also considered to be an acceptable substitute. Hair, nails, blood, and even fingers and toes were sacrificed. The later and well-nigh universal ancient rite of circumcision was an outgrowth of the cult of partial sacrifice; it was purely sacrificial, no thought of hygiene being attached thereto. Men were circumcised; women had their ears pierced.
1955 89:8.3 Subsequently it became the custom to bind fingers together instead of cutting them off. Shaving the head and cutting the hair were likewise forms of religious devotion. The making of eunuchs was at first a modification of the idea of human sacrifice. Nose and lip piercing is still practiced in Africa, and tattooing is an artistic evolution of the earlier crude scarring of the body.
2015 89:8.3 その後切断の代わりに指をまとめて縛ることが、習慣になった。頭を剃り髪を切るのは、同じく信仰心の型であった。去勢行為は、当初は人間の生贄の考え方への変形であった。鼻と唇に穴を開けることは、今でもアフリカで実行されており、入れ墨は、初期の残酷に体に傷跡を残すことからの芸術的発展である。
1955 89:8.4 The custom of sacrifice eventually became associated, as a result of advancing teachings, with the idea of the covenant. At last, the gods were conceived of as entering into real agreements with man; and this was a major step in the stabilization of religion. Law, a covenant, takes the place of luck, fear, and superstition.
1955 89:8.5 Man could never even dream of entering into a contract with Deity until his concept of God had advanced to the level whereon the universe controllers were envisioned as dependable. And man’s early idea of God was so anthropomorphic that he was unable to conceive of a dependable Deity until he himself became relatively dependable, moral, and ethical.
2015 89:8.5 人は、神についての概念において、宇宙の管理者が、信頼できると心に描かれる段階に達するまでは、決して神との契約締結を夢にみることさえできなかった。神に関する人の初期の考えは、非常に擬人化したものであったがゆえに、人間自身が、比較的信頼でき、道徳的であり、倫理的になるまでは、信頼できる神を想像することができなかった。
1955 89:8.6 But the idea of making a covenant with the gods did finally arrive. Evolutionary man eventually acquired such moral dignity that he dared to bargain with his gods. And so the business of offering sacrifices gradually developed into the game of man’s philosophic bargaining with God. And all this represented a new device for insuring against bad luck or, rather, an enhanced technique for the more definite purchase of prosperity. Do not entertain the mistaken idea that these early sacrifices were a free gift to the gods, a spontaneous offering of gratitude or thanksgiving; they were not expressions of true worship.
2015 89:8.6 ところが、神と契約をする考え方が、ついに遂に到着した。進化的人間は、あえて神との取り引きをするというそのような道徳上の尊厳をついに習得した。したがって、生贄奉納は、徐々に人の神との哲学的取り引きの目標へと発展した。このすべてが、不運から守る新たな手段、もしくは繁栄のより明確な購買のためのむしろ高められた新たな方法を意味した。これらの初期の生贄は、神への無料の贈り物、自発的な報恩の、あるいは感謝の捧げ物であったという間違った考えを抱いてはいけない。それらは、真の崇拝表現ではなかった。
1955 89:8.7 Primitive forms of prayer were nothing more nor less than bargaining with the spirits, an argument with the gods. It was a kind of bartering in which pleading and persuasion were substituted for something more tangible and costly. The developing commerce of the races had inculcated the spirit of trade and had developed the shrewdness of barter; and now these traits began to appear in man’s worship methods. And as some men were better traders than others, so some were regarded as better prayers than others. The prayer of a just man was held in high esteem. A just man was one who had paid all accounts to the spirits, had fully discharged every ritual obligation to the gods.
1955 89:8.8 Early prayer was hardly worship; it was a bargaining petition for health, wealth, and life. And in many respects prayers have not much changed with the passing of the ages. They are still read out of books, recited formally, and written out for emplacement on wheels and for hanging on trees, where the blowing of the winds will save man the trouble of expending his own breath.
2015 89:8.8 初期の祈りは、崇拝とは言いがたかった。それは、健康、富、命のための取り引きの陳情であった。祈りは、あらゆる点において時代の経過における変化があまりなかった。それらは、いまだに本から読まれており、堅苦しく朗唱され、回転礼拝器に定置するために、そして木に掛けるために完全に書き出され、そこでは、吹く風が、人自らの呼吸の消費の手間を省くであろう。
¶ 9. 生贄と聖餐式
9. SACRIFICES AND SACRAMENTS
9. 生贄と聖餐式
1955 89:9.1 The human sacrifice, throughout the course of the evolution of Urantian rituals, has advanced from the bloody business of man-eating to higher and more symbolic levels. The early rituals of sacrifice bred the later ceremonies of sacrament. In more recent times the priest alone would partake of a bit of the cannibalistic sacrifice or a drop of human blood, and then all would partake of the animal substitute. These early ideas of ransom, redemption, and covenants have evolved into the later-day sacramental services. And all this ceremonial evolution has exerted a mighty socializing influence.
2015 89:9.1 人間の生贄は、ユランチアの儀式の発展過程において人食いの流血の領域からより高度の、より象徴的な段階へと進んだ。初期の生贄儀式は、後の聖餐式を作り出した。最近では、聖職者だけが、人食い的生贄を少量摂取し、あるいは人間の血を摂取し、その後は、全員が、動物の代用品を食するのであった。身代金、贖い、および契約のこれらの初期の考えは、近代の聖餐式に発展していった。そして、このすべての儀式の発展が、強力な社交的影響を揮った。
1955 89:9.2 In connection with the Mother of God cult, in Mexico and elsewhere, a sacrament of cakes and wine was eventually utilized in lieu of the flesh and blood of the older human sacrifices. The Hebrews long practiced this ritual as a part of their Passover ceremonies, and it was from this ceremonial that the later Christian version of the sacrament took its origin.
2015 89:9.2 神の母信仰に関し、最終的にはケーキと葡萄酒の聖餐式が、人間の昔の生贄の肉と血の代わりにメキシコと他の場所において用いられた。ヘブライ人は、長い間過ぎ越しの祭式の一部としてこの儀式を執り行ない、また聖餐式の後のキリスト教徒版が、その起源を取ったのはこの儀式からであった。
1955 89:9.3 The ancient social brotherhoods were based on the rite of blood drinking; the early Jewish fraternity was a sacrificial blood affair. Paul started out to build a new Christian cult on “the blood of the everlasting covenant.” And while he may have unnecessarily encumbered Christianity with teachings about blood and sacrifice, he did once and for all make an end of the doctrines of redemption through human or animal sacrifices. His theologic compromises indicate that even revelation must submit to the graduated control of evolution. According to Paul, Christ became the last and all-sufficient human sacrifice; the divine Judge is now fully and forever satisfied.
2015 89:9.3 古代の社会的同胞愛は、血液飲酒の儀礼に基づいた。初期のユダヤ人の友愛関係は、血液の生贄的行為に基づくものであった。パウーロスは、「永遠の契約の血」に基づき新しいキリストの信仰の建設に取り掛かった。かれは、血と生贄に関する教えで不必要にキリスト教を苦しめたかもしれないが、人間、あるいは動物の生贄による贖いの主義をきっぱりと終わらせた。その神学上の妥協は、顕示さえも進化の段階的調整に応じなければならないということを示唆している。パウーロスの言うところによれば、クリストスは最後の、そして全て十分な人間の生贄になった。神性の審判者は、いま完全に、永遠に満足している。[41][42]
1955 89:9.4 And so, after long ages the cult of the sacrifice has evolved into the cult of the sacrament. Thus are the sacraments of modern religions the legitimate successors of those shocking early ceremonies of human sacrifice and the still earlier cannibalistic rituals. Many still depend upon blood for salvation, but it has at least become figurative, symbolic, and mystic.
¶ 10. 罪の許し
10. FORGIVENESS OF SIN
10. 罪の許し
1955 89:10.1 Ancient man only attained consciousness of favor with God through sacrifice. Modern man must develop new techniques of achieving the self-consciousness of salvation. The consciousness of sin persists in the mortal mind, but the thought patterns of salvation therefrom have become outworn and antiquated. The reality of the spiritual need persists, but intellectual progress has destroyed the olden ways of securing peace and consolation for mind and soul.
2015 89:10.1 古代人は、生贄を介して神に気に入られる意識に到達したに過ぎない。現代人は、救済への自意識を得る新方法を発達させなければならない。罪の意識は、人間の心に持続するが、そこから救済の思考形態は、古臭く時代遅れになった。精神面での必要性の現実は、持続しているが、知的面での進歩は、心と魂のための平和と安らぎを保証する昔の方法を破壊してしまった。
1955 89:10.2 Sin must be redefined as deliberate disloyalty to Deity. There are degrees of disloyalty: the partial loyalty of indecision; the divided loyalty of confliction; the dying loyalty of indifference; and the death of loyalty exhibited in devotion to godless ideals.
2015 89:10.2 罪は、神格への意図的背信と再定義されなければならない。背信には度合いがある。優柔不断の不完全な忠誠心。分割された矛盾の忠誠心。死につつある無関心の忠誠心。そして、神を信じないた理想へ強い愛着に示される死の忠誠心。
1955 89:10.3 The sense or feeling of guilt is the consciousness of the violation of the mores; it is not necessarily sin. There is no real sin in the absence of conscious disloyalty to Deity.
2015 89:10.3 罪の感覚や自覚は、社会習慣への違反の意識である。必ずしも罪ではない。神格への意識的背信の不在に真の罪はない。
1955 89:10.4 The possibility of the recognition of the sense of guilt is a badge of transcendent distinction for mankind. It does not mark man as mean but rather sets him apart as a creature of potential greatness and ever-ascending glory. Such a sense of unworthiness is the initial stimulus that should lead quickly and surely to those faith conquests which translate the mortal mind to the superb levels of moral nobility, cosmic insight, and spiritual living; thus are all the meanings of human existence changed from the temporal to the eternal, and all values are elevated from the human to the divine.
2015 89:10.4 罪意識に対する認識の可能性は、人類にとっての優れた特徴の印である。それは、人を手法として印さず、むしろ潜在的偉大さと絶えず上昇する栄光の被創造物として際立たせる。そのような無価値の感覚は、人間の心を道徳的高潔さ、宇宙洞察、精神的生活の堂々たる段階に移す信仰征服にすぐに、しかも確実に導くべき最初の刺激である。人間存在のすべての意味は、束の間から永遠へと変えられ、すべての価値は、人間から神へと高められる。
1955 89:10.5 The confession of sin is a manful repudiation of disloyalty, but it in no wise mitigates the time-space consequences of such disloyalty. But confession—sincere recognition of the nature of sin—is essential to religious growth and spiritual progress.
2015 89:10.5 罪の告白は、背信の断固たる拒否であるが、それは、決してそのような背信の時間-空間の因果関係を緩和しない。だが、告白—罪の本質の偽りのない認識—は、宗教上の成長と精神上の進歩に不可欠である。
1955 89:10.6 The forgiveness of sin by Deity is the renewal of loyalty relations following a period of the human consciousness of the lapse of such relations as the consequence of conscious rebellion. The forgiveness does not have to be sought, only received as the consciousness of re-establishment of loyalty relations between the creature and the Creator. And all the loyal sons of God are happy, service-loving, and ever-progressive in the Paradise ascent.
1955 89:10.7 [Presented by a Brilliant Evening Star of Nebadon.]
2015 89:10.7 [ネバドンの輝かしい宵の明星による提示]
¶ 参照
¶ 聖書
- ↑ 89:0.2 犠牲システム: レビ 1:1-9:24.
- ↑ 89:1.1 精霊公認のタブー: レビ 11:1-47.
- ↑ 89:1.2 タブーに違反することへの恐怖: レビ 10:1-2.
- ↑ 89:1.4 タブーとしての十戒: 出 20:3-17; 申 5:7-21.
- ↑ 89:1.5 豚肉タブー: レビ 11:7-8.
- ↑ 89:2.1 「してはならない」: 出 20:4; 申 5:8.
- ↑ 89:2.1 禁断の果実: 創 2:17; 創 3:2-3.
- ↑ 89:2.2 死と罪: ロマ 6:23.
- ↑ 89:2.3 信じられた最初の男は完璧だった: 創 1:27,31; 創 2:7,22.
- ↑ 89:2.3 人類の崩壊: 創 3:1-19; ロマ 5:12-19.
- ↑ 89:2.4 コミュニティの災難: レビ 26:14-39.
- ↑ 89:2.5 浄化としての告白の儀式: レビ 13:45.
- ↑ 89:3.1 儀式の断食: 王上 21:9,12; イザ 58:3.6; マタイ 9:14; マルコ 2:18; ルカ 5:33; サム下 12:16,21-23.
- ↑ 89:3.2 精神的ハンディキャップとして見られる財産: 使徒 2:44-45; 一テモ 6:8-11.
- ↑ 89:3.3 貧困と苦行: 創 37:34; 王上 21:27; エス 4:1-4; イザ 37:1-2; イザ 58:3-5; ヨナ 3:5-6.
- ↑ 89:3.6 結婚、より少ない悪: 一コリ 7:2,9.
- ↑ 89:3.6 男は女に触れない: 一コリ 7:1.
- ↑ 89:3.6 ポールはすべての男性が彼のように独身でいることを望んでいます: 一コリ 7:7.
- ↑ 89:3.6 未亡人と未亡人に適しています: 一コリ 7:8.
- ↑ 89:3.6 ポールは許可を得て話します: 一コリ 7:6.
- ↑ 89:4.3 神の鼻孔の甘い味: 創 8:21; 出 29:18,25,41; レビ 1:9,13,17; 民 15:3,7,10,13; 民 15:14,24; 二コリ 2:15; エフェ 5:2.
- ↑ 89:4.8 すべてのベストを犠牲に: 出 12:5; 出 29:1; レビ 1:3,10; 一ペト 1:19.
- ↑ 89:4.10 犠牲の食事: レビ 2:3,10; レビ 6:16-18,29.
- ↑ 89:6.2 人間の犠牲: 創 22:1-10.
- ↑ 89:6.3 エフタの娘: 士 11:30-39.
- ↑ 89:6.3 戦いの神: 代上 14:15; 代下 20:15; 代下 32:8; 詩 24:8; 申 7:21-23; 申 20:1-4; サム上 17:47.
- ↑ 89:6.4 「財団」の人身御供: ヨシュ 6:26.
- ↑ 89:6.6 ヒエルの息子たちの生贄: 王上 16:34.
- ↑ 89:6.6 主の言葉によって: 王上 16:34.
- ↑ 89:6.7 ＃1 人生のための人生: 出 21:23.
- ↑ 89:6.7 #2 ほこりからほこり: 創 3:14,19; ヨブ 34:15; コヘ 3:20.
- ↑ 89:6.8 アイザックを犠牲にする: 創 22:1-10.
- ↑ 89:7.1 神は代用品を受け入れる: 出 13:12-13.
- ↑ 89:7.1 犠牲システム: レビ 27:1-34.
- ↑ 89:7.1 代理と身代金: 出 21:30.
- ↑ 89:7.2 子供の犠牲: 出 12:7,12-13.
- ↑ 89:7.3 浮遊する子供たち (モーセ): 出 2:1-10.
- ↑ 89:8.2 割礼: 創 17:10-14.
- ↑ 89:8.4 誓約は恐怖に取って代わる: 創 6:18; 創 9:9,11; 創 17:4,7-10,21.
- ↑ 89:8.7 正義の男の祈り: 代下 30:27; ヤコ 5:16.
- ↑ 89:9.3 永遠の契約の血: ヘブ 13:20.
- ↑ 89:9.3 人間の犠牲として見られるイエス: 一コリ 5:7; エフェ 5:2; コロ 1:14; テト 2:14; ヘブ 9:11-28; ヘブ 10:1-20; ヘブ 13:12; 一ペト 1:18-19.
- ↑ 89:9.4 秘跡のカルト: 一コリ 11:23-27.
¶ 
その他の書籍
- ↑ 89:10.6 89:10.6: Qur'an, ---, 章 4, p. v17