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| Kapitel 120. Mikaels Overdragelse På Urantia |
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Kapitel 122. Jesu Fødsel Og Spæde Barndom |
THE TIMES OF MICHAEL’S BESTOWAL
FORHOLDENE PÅ TIDEN FOR MIKAELS OVERDRAGELSE
1955 121:0.1 ACTING under the supervision of a commission of twelve members of the United Brotherhood of Urantia Midwayers, conjointly sponsored by the presiding head of our order and the Melchizedek of record, I am the secondary midwayer of onetime attachment to the Apostle Andrew, and I am authorized to place on record the narrative of the life transactions of Jesus of Nazareth as they were observed by my order of earth creatures, and as they were subsequently partially recorded by the human subject of my temporal guardianship. Knowing how his Master so scrupulously avoided leaving written records behind him, Andrew steadfastly refused to multiply copies of his written narrative. A similar attitude on the part of the other apostles of Jesus greatly delayed the writing of the Gospels.
2015 121:0.1 Jeg er en anden gradens mellemvæsen, der engang var tilknyttet apostlen Andreas og arbejder under tilsyn af en kommission af tolv medlemmer af det Forenede Broderskab bestående af mellemvæsener på Urantia. Denne kommission er under fælles protektion af lederen af vores klasse og den Melkisedek som har ansvar for arkivet. Jeg er bemyndiget til at nedskrive historien om de begivenheder, der fandt sted i løbet af det liv som Jesus af Nazaret levede, sådan som de blev observeret af min klasse af jordiske væsener, og som de senere delvist blev nedskrevet af denne person, der var under min jordiske beskyttelse. Velvidende, om hvor omhyggeligt hans Mester undgik at forlade noget skrevet efter sig, nægtede Andreas ihærdigt at tage kopier af sin nedskrevne historie. En lignende holdning blandt de andre apostle til Jesus forsinkede skrivningen af evangelierne betydeligt.
1. THE OCCIDENT OF THE FIRST CENTURY AFTER CHRIST
1. VESTEN UNDER DET FØRSTE ÅRHUNDREDE EFTER KRISTUS
1955 121:1.1 Jesus did not come to this world during an age of spiritual decadence; at the time of his birth Urantia was experiencing such a revival of spiritual thinking and religious living as it had not known in all its previous post-Adamic history nor has experienced in any era since. When Michael incarnated on Urantia, the world presented the most favorable condition for the Creator Son’s bestowal that had ever previously prevailed or has since obtained. In the centuries just prior to these times Greek culture and the Greek language had spread over Occident and near Orient, and the Jews, being a Levantine race, in nature part Occidental and part Oriental, were eminently fitted to utilize such cultural and linguistic settings for the effective spread of a new religion to both East and West. These most favorable circumstances were further enhanced by the tolerant political rule of the Mediterranean world by the Romans.
2015 121:1.1 Jesus kom ikke til denne verden i en tid med åndeligt forfald. På tidspunktet for hans fødsel oplevede Urantia en sådan fornyelse af åndelig tænkning og et religiøst liv, som ikke havde fundet sted i løbet af hele sin tidligere historie siden Adam og heller ikke har oplevet i nogen tidsalder siden. Da Mikael inkarnerede på Urantia var der de mest gunstige betingelser for Skabersønnens overdragelse, der nogensinde har eksisteret før eller efter dette tidspunkt. I århundrederne lige før disse tider, havde den græske kultur og det græske sprog spredt sig til Vesten og Mellemøsten, og jøderne som var en Levantinsk race, i sin natur delvis vesterlandsk og delvis østerlandske, var særdeles velegnet til at udnytte disse kulturelle og sproglige betingelser for effektivt at sprede en ny religion til både øst og vest. Disse mest gunstige omstændigheder, var yderligere forstærket af romerne tolerante politiske herredømme i Middelhavsverden.
1955 121:1.3 Nothing like the civilization of the times of Jesus has been seen in the Occident before or since those days. European civilization was unified and co-ordinated under an extraordinary threefold influence:
2015 121:1.3 Intet som lignede den civilisation, der eksisterede på Jesu tid er blevet set i Vesten før eller efter denne tid. Den europæiske civilisation blev forenet og koordineret i en meget specifik tredobbelt indflydelse, som bestod af:
1955 121:1.4 1. The Roman political and social systems.
2015 121:1.4 1. De romerske politiske og sociale systemer.
2015 121:1.5 2. Det græske sprog og den græske kultur - og til en vis grad filosofi.
1955 121:1.6 3. The rapidly spreading influence of Jewish religious and moral teachings.
2015 121:1.6 3. Den hastigt spredende indflydelse fra den jødiske religiøse og moralske lære.
1955 121:1.7 When Jesus was born, the entire Mediterranean world was a unified empire. Good roads, for the first time in the world’s history, interconnected many major centers. The seas were cleared of pirates, and a great era of trade and travel was rapidly advancing. Europe did not again enjoy another such period of travel and trade until the nineteenth century after Christ.
2015 121:1.7 Da Jesus blev født, var hele Middelhavsverden et fusioneret imperium. For første gang i verdenshistorien forbandt gode veje mange store centre med hinanden. Havene var blevet ryddet for pirater, og en storslået tid af handel og samfærdsel rykkede hurtigt fremad. Europa oplevede ikke en tilsvarende periode med rejser og handel, indtil det nittende århundrede efter Kristus.
1955 121:1.8 Notwithstanding the internal peace and superficial prosperity of the Greco-Roman world, a majority of the inhabitants of the empire languished in squalor and poverty. The small upper class was rich; a miserable and impoverished lower class embraced the rank and file of humanity. There was no happy and prosperous middle class in those days; it had just begun to make its appearance in Roman society.
2015 121:1.8 På trods af freden i landet og den overfladiske velstand i den græsk-romerske verden, vansmægtede størstedelen af indbyggerne i imperium i elendighed og fattigdom. Den lille overklasse var rig; den store masse af menneskeheden tilhørte en elendig og forarmede lavere klasse. Der var ingen glad og velstående middelklasse i disse dage; den var kun lige begyndt at dukke op i det romerske samfund.
1955 121:1.9 The first struggles between the expanding Roman and Parthian states had been concluded in the then recent past, leaving Syria in the hands of the Romans. In the times of Jesus, Palestine and Syria were enjoying a period of prosperity, relative peace, and extensive commercial intercourse with the lands to both the East and the West.
2015 121:1.9 De første kampe mellem de ekspanderende romerske og parthiske stater var for nylig afsluttet, hvor Syrien gik til romerne. Under Jesu tid, nød Palæstina og Syrien en periode med velstand, relativ fred, og omfattende samhandel med lande i både Øst og Vest.
2. THE JEWISH PEOPLE
2. DET JØDISKE FOLK
1955 121:2.1 The Jews were a part of the older Semitic race, which also included the Babylonians, the Phoenicians, and the more recent enemies of Rome, the Carthaginians. During the fore part of the first century after Christ, the Jews were the most influential group of the Semitic peoples, and they happened to occupy a peculiarly strategic geographic position in the world as it was at that time ruled and organized for trade.
2015 121:2.1 Jøderne var en del af den ældre semitiske race, der også omfattede babylonierne, fønikerne og de nyere fjender af Rom, kartaginienserne. I begyndelsen af det første århundrede e.Kr. var jøderne den mest indflydelsesrige gruppe blandt de semitiske folkeslag, og de befandt sig tilfældigvis i en ekstraordinær strategisk geografisk position i verden som dengang var styret og organiseret for handel.
1955 121:2.2 Many of the great highways joining the nations of antiquity passed through Palestine, which thus became the meeting place, or crossroads, of three continents. The travel, trade, and armies of Babylonia, Assyria, Egypt, Syria, Greece, Parthia, and Rome successively swept over Palestine. From time immemorial, many caravan routes from the Orient passed through some part of this region to the few good seaports of the eastern end of the Mediterranean, whence ships carried their cargoes to all the maritime Occident. And more than half of this caravan traffic passed through or near the little town of Nazareth in Galilee.
2015 121:2.2 Mange af de store hovedveje, der forenede de gamle nationer gik gennem Palæstina, som dermed blev mødested for eller korsvej til tre kontinenter. Rejsende, varetransport og hære fra Babylonien, Assyrien, Egypten, Syrien, Grækenland, Parthien, og Rom drog efter hinanden hen over Palæstina. Siden oldtiden var mange karavaneruter fra Orienten gået gennem en del af denne region for at nå de gode havne, der fandtes ved Middelhavets østlige ende, hvorfra skibe, transporterer gods til alle de vestlige kyster. Mere end halvdelen af denne karavanetrafik passerede gennem eller i nærheden af den lille by Nazaret i Galilæa.
1955 121:2.3 Although Palestine was the home of Jewish religious culture and the birthplace of Christianity, the Jews were abroad in the world, dwelling in many nations and trading in every province of the Roman and Parthian states.
2015 121:2.3 Selvom Palæstina var hjemsted for jødisk religiøs kultur og fødestedet for kristendommen, var jøderne spredt ud i verden. De levede blandt mange nationer og drev handel med hver provins i de romerske og parthiske stater.
1955 121:2.4 Greece provided a language and a culture, Rome built the roads and unified an empire, but the dispersion of the Jews, with their more than two hundred synagogues and well-organized religious communities scattered hither and yon throughout the Roman world, provided the cultural centers in which the new gospel of the kingdom of heaven found initial reception, and from which it subsequently spread to the uttermost parts of the world.
2015 121:2.4 Grækenland bidrog med et sprog og en kultur, Rom byggede veje og forenet et imperium, men jødernes spredning med deres mere end to hundrede synagoger og velorganiserede religiøse samfund spredt her og der i hele den romerske verden, tilbød de kulturelle centre, hvor det nye evangelium om Himmeriget først fandt indledende modtagelse og hvorfra det senere bredte sig til verdens yderste ender.
1955 121:2.5 Each Jewish synagogue tolerated a fringe of gentile believers, “devout” or “God-fearing” men, and it was among this fringe of proselytes that Paul made the bulk of his early converts to Christianity. Even the temple at Jerusalem possessed its ornate court of the gentiles. There was very close connection between the culture, commerce, and worship of Jerusalem and Antioch. In Antioch Paul’s disciples were first called “Christians.”
2015 121:2.5 Hver jødisk synagoge tillod et mindre antal af hedenske troende, "fromme" eller "gudfrygtige" folk, og det var blandt denne udkant af proselytter, at Paulus fandt flertallet af dem, der først lod sig omvende til kristendommen[4][5]. Selv templet i Jerusalem havde sin udsmykkede gårdsplads for ikke-jøderne. Der var en meget tæt forbindelse mellem kultur, handel, og tilbedelse af Jerusalem og Antiokia. I Antiokia blev Paulus disciple for første gang kaldt "kristne"[6].
1955 121:2.6 The centralization of the Jewish temple worship at Jerusalem constituted alike the secret of the survival of their monotheism and the promise of the nurture and sending forth to the world of a new and enlarged concept of that one God of all nations and Father of all mortals. The temple service at Jerusalem represented the survival of a religious cultural concept in the face of the downfall of a succession of gentile national overlords and racial persecutors.
2015 121:2.6 Centraliseringen af den jødiske tempel tilbedelse i Jerusalem var lige så hemmelig for bevarelsen af deres monoteisme som løftet om at værne om og sprede til verden en ny og udvidet begreb om denne Gud for alle nationer og Fader af alle dødelige. Tempeltjenesten i Jerusalem repræsenterede overlevelsen af et religiøst kulturelt koncept, set i lyset af en faldende rækkefølge af nationale hedenske herremænd og raceforfølgere.
1955 121:2.7 The Jewish people of this time, although under Roman suzerainty, enjoyed a considerable degree of self-government and, remembering the then only recent heroic exploits of deliverance executed by Judas Maccabee and his immediate successors, were vibrant with the expectation of the immediate appearance of a still greater deliverer, the long-expected Messiah.
2015 121:2.7 Selvom det jødiske folk på det tidspunkt var under romersk overherredømme, nød de dog en betydelig grad af selvstyre, og fordi de huskede de seneste heroiske udfrielses bedrifter udført af Judas Mackabee og hans umiddelbare efterfølgere, så sydede de af forventning om den umiddelbare fremtræden af en endnu større befrier, den længe ventede Messias.[7]
1955 121:2.8 The secret of the survival of Palestine, the kingdom of the Jews, as a semi-independent state was wrapped up in the foreign policy of the Roman government, which desired to maintain control of the Palestinian highway of travel between Syria and Egypt as well as the western terminals of the caravan routes between the Orient and the Occident. Rome did not wish any power to arise in the Levant which might curb her future expansion in these regions. The policy of intrigue which had for its object the pitting of Seleucid Syria and Ptolemaic Egypt against each other necessitated fostering Palestine as a separate and independent state. Roman policy, the degeneration of Egypt, and the progressive weakening of the Seleucids before the rising power of Parthia, explain why it was that for several generations a small and unpowerful group of Jews was able to maintain its independence against both Seleucidae to the north and Ptolemies to the south. This fortuitous liberty and independence of the political rule of surrounding and more powerful peoples the Jews attributed to the fact that they were the “chosen people,” to the direct interposition of Yahweh. Such an attitude of racial superiority made it all the harder for them to endure Roman suzerainty when it finally fell upon their land. But even in that sad hour the Jews refused to learn that their world mission was spiritual, not political.
2015 121:2.8 Hemmeligheden om overlevelsen af Palæstina, det jødiske kongerige, som en halv-uafhængig stat i den romerske regerings udenrigspolitik, hvis mål var at bevare kontrollen af den palæstinensiske hovedvej af færdsel mellem Syrien og Egypten samt kontrol over de vestlige endepunkter i karavanevejene mellem østerlandet og vesten. Rom ønskede ikke, at der i Levanten skulle opstå nogen magt, der kunne bremse dens videre ekspansion i disse regioner. Denne politik, der gik ud på intriger og havde til formål at opildne det Seleukidiske Syrien og Ptolemæiske Egypten mod hinanden, gjorde det nødvendigt at forsvare Palæstina som en selvstændig og uafhængig stat. Roms politik, Egyptens degeneration og den gradvise svækkelse af det Seleukidiske rige overfor Parthiens stigende magt forklarer, hvorfor en lille og militært underlegne jøde etnisk gruppe var i stand til at opretholde sin uafhængighed både mod Seleukider i nord og Ptolemæerne i syd. Denne tilfældige frihed og uafhængighed i forhold til de omkringliggende og mere kraftfulde folkeslags politiske herredømme tilskrev jøderne deres status som det "udvalgte folk", Jahves direkte indgriben[8]. En sådan holdning af racemæssig overlegenhed gjorde det sværere for dem at udholde det romerske overherredømme, da det endelig faldt på deres jord. Selv i denne triste time nægtede jøderne at lære, at deres mission i verden var åndelig, ikke politisk.
1955 121:2.9 The Jews were unusually apprehensive and suspicious during the times of Jesus because they were then ruled by an outsider, Herod the Idumean, who had seized the overlordship of Judea by cleverly ingratiating himself with the Roman rulers. And though Herod professed loyalty to the Hebrew ceremonial observances, he proceeded to build temples for many strange gods.
2015 121:2.9 Jøderne var usædvanligt ængstelige og mistænksomme på Jesu tid fordi de blev regeret af en udefrakommende, idumæeren Herodes, som havde erhvervet magt over Judæa ved behændigt at indynde sig med de romerske herskere[9]. Selvom Herodes erklærede sin loyalitet over for de hebraiske ceremonielle skikke, begyndte han at bygge templer for mange mærkelige guder.
1955 121:2.10 The friendly relations of Herod with the Roman rulers made the world safe for Jewish travel and thus opened the way for increased Jewish penetration even of distant portions of the Roman Empire and of foreign treaty nations with the new gospel of the kingdom of heaven. Herod’s reign also contributed much toward the further blending of Hebrew and Hellenistic philosophies.
2015 121:2.10 Herodes venskabelige forbindelser med de romerske herskere gjort verden sikker for jødernes rejser og åbnede dermed vejen for dem med det nye evangelium om Himmeriget til at trænge dybere ind i selv fjerntliggende dele af Romerriget og i fremmede lande, der var allierede. Herodes regeringstid bidrog også meget til at den hebraiske og den hellenistiske filosofi yderligere blev blandet med hinanden.
1955 121:2.11 Herod built the harbor of Caesarea, which further aided in making Palestine the crossroads of the civilized world. He died in 4 B.C., and his son Herod Antipas governed Galilee and Perea during Jesus’ youth and ministry to A.D. 39. Antipas, like his father, was a great builder. He rebuilt many of the cities of Galilee, including the important trade center of Sepphoris.
2015 121:2.11 Herodes byggede havnen i Kæsarea, hvilket yderligere bidrog til at gøre Palæstina til et knudepunkt mellem den civiliserede verden. Han døde i 4 f. Kr., Og hans søn Herodes Antipas styrede Galilæa og Perea under Jesu ungdom og offentlig virke, indtil år 39 e.Kr. Antipas var ligesom sin far, en der byggede en masse. Han genopbyggede mange af byerne i Galilæa, herunder den vigtige handel center Sepphoris.
1955 121:2.12 The Galileans were not regarded with full favor by the Jerusalem religious leaders and rabbinical teachers. Galilee was more gentile than Jewish when Jesus was born.
2015 121:2.12 De religiøse ledere og rabbinske lærere i Jerusalem opførte sig ikke særlig venlig overfor Galilæerne. Galilæa var mere hedensk end jødisk på tidspunktet for Jesu fødsel.
3. AMONG THE GENTILES
3. FORHOLDENE BLANDT IKKE-JØDER
1955 121:3.1 Although the social and economic condition of the Roman state was not of the highest order, the widespread domestic peace and prosperity was propitious for the bestowal of Michael. In the first century after Christ the society of the Mediterranean world consisted of five well-defined strata:
2015 121:3.1 Selv om den sociale og økonomiske tilstand af den romerske stat ikke var af højeste klasse, var der fred og velstand som rådede over så store områder til gavn for Mikaels overdragelse. I det første århundrede efter Kristus bestod samfundet i Middelhavsverden af fem veldefinerede lag:
1955 121:3.2 1. The aristocracy. The upper classes with money and official power, the privileged and ruling groups.
2015 121:3.2 1. Aristokratiet. Overklassen med penge og officiel magt, de privilegerede og herskende grupper.
1955 121:3.3 2. The business groups. The merchant princes and the bankers, the traders—the big importers and exporters—the international merchants.
2015 121:3.3 2. Forretningsmæssige grupper. Handelsfyrster og bankfolk, købmændene - de store importører og eksportører - de internationale handelsmænd.
1955 121:3.4 3. The small middle class. Although this group was indeed small, it was very influential and provided the moral backbone of the early Christian church, which encouraged these groups to continue in their various crafts and trades. Among the Jews many of the Pharisees belonged to this class of tradesmen.
2015 121:3.4 3. Den lille middelklasse. Selv om denne gruppe var virkelig lille var den meget indflydelsesrig og dannede den moralske rygrad i den tidlige kristne kirke, som tilskyndede disse grupper til at fortsætte i deres forskellige håndværk og handler. Blandt jøderne hørte mange af farisæerne til denne klasse af håndværkere.
1955 121:3.5 4. The free proletariat. This group had little or no social standing. Though proud of their freedom, they were placed at great disadvantage because they were forced to compete with slave labor. The upper classes regarded them disdainfully, allowing that they were useless except for “breeding purposes.”
2015 121:3.5 4. Det frie proletariat. Denne gruppe havde lidt eller ingen social status. Selvom de, der tilhørte gruppen var stolte af deres frihed, var de i en højst ufordelagtig position, fordi de skulle konkurrere med slavearbejdere. Overklassen foragtede dem og betragtede dem som ubrugelige til andet end "avl".
1955 121:3.6 5. The slaves. Half the population of the Roman state were slaves; many were superior individuals and quickly made their way up among the free proletariat and even among the tradesmen. The majority were either mediocre or very inferior.
2015 121:3.6 5. Slaver. Halvdelen af befolkningen i den romerske stat var slaver. Mange var overlegne personer, der hurtigt flyttet op til det frie proletariat og endda til kredsen af fagfolk. Flertallet var middelmådigt eller meget lavtstående.
1955 121:3.7 Slavery, even of superior peoples, was a feature of Roman military conquest. The power of the master over his slave was unqualified. The early Christian church was largely composed of the lower classes and these slaves.
2015 121:3.7 Slaveri, selv af højerestående folk, var noget, der tilhørte den romerske militære erobring. Ejerens magt over sin slave var absolut. Den tidlige kristne kirke bestod stort set af de lavere klasser og disse slaver.
1955 121:3.8 Superior slaves often received wages and by saving their earnings were able to purchase their freedom. Many such emancipated slaves rose to high positions in state, church, and the business world. And it was just such possibilities that made the early Christian church so tolerant of this modified form of slavery.
2015 121:3.8 Højerestående slaver fik ofte løn og kunne ved at gemme deres indtjening købe sig til frihed. Mange sådanne slaver, havde befriet sig frem til høje stillinger i staten, kirken og erhvervslivet. Det var netop disse muligheder, der gjorde den tidlige kristne kirke så tolerante over for denne modificerede form for slaveri.
1955 121:3.9 There was no widespread social problem in the Roman Empire in the first century after Christ. The major portion of the populace regarded themselves as belonging in that group into which they chanced to be born. There was always the open door through which talented and able individuals could ascend from the lower to the higher strata of Roman society, but the people were generally content with their social rank. They were not class conscious, neither did they look upon these class distinctions as being unjust or wrong. Christianity was in no sense an economic movement having for its purpose the amelioration of the miseries of the depressed classes.
2015 121:3.9 Der var ingen udbredte sociale problemer i Romerriget i det første århundrede efter Kristus. Det meste af befolkningen betragtede sig som tilhørende den gruppe, inden for hvilken de tilfældigvis var blevet født. Døren var altid åben, hvorigennem talentfulde og dygtige personer kunne gå videre fra lavere til højere lag af romerske samfund, men folk var generelt tilfredse med deres position i samfundet. De var ikke klassebevidste, og de betragtede ikke disse klasseforskelle som uretfærdig eller forkert. Kristendommen var på ingen måde en økonomisk social bevægelse med den hensigt at forbedre undertrykte klassers elendighed.
1955 121:3.10 Although woman enjoyed more freedom throughout the Roman Empire than in her restricted position in Palestine, the family devotion and natural affection of the Jews far transcended that of the gentile world.
2015 121:3.10 Selvom kvinden nød mere frihed i hele det romerske imperium sammenlignet med den begrænsede position som hun havde i Palæstina, oversteg jødernes kærlighed til familien og deres naturlige hengivenhed langt, hvad der skete i den hedenske verden.
4. GENTILE PHILOSOPHY
4. DEN IKKE-JØDISKE FILOSOFI
1955 121:4.1 The gentiles were, from a moral standpoint, somewhat inferior to the Jews, but there was present in the hearts of the nobler gentiles abundant soil of natural goodness and potential human affection in which it was possible for the seed of Christianity to sprout and bring forth an abundant harvest of moral character and spiritual achievement. The gentile world was then dominated by four great philosophies, all more or less derived from the earlier Platonism of the Greeks. These schools of philosophy were:
2015 121:4.1 De som ikke var jøder, stod ud fra et moralsk synspunkt, noget lavere end jøderne, men der var i hjerterne hos deres ædlere repræsentanter en rigelig grobund af naturlig godhed og potentiel menneskelig hengivenhed, hvorfra kristendommens frø kunne spire og frembringe en rigelig høst af moralsk karakterfasthed og åndelig præstation. Den ikke-jødiske verden var dengang domineret af fire store filosofier, alle mere eller mindre afledt af tidligere platonisme blandt grækerne. Disse filosofiske skoler var:
1955 121:4.2 1. The Epicurean. This school of thought was dedicated to the pursuit of happiness. The better Epicureans were not given to sensual excesses. At least this doctrine helped to deliver the Romans from a more deadly form of fatalism; it taught that men could do something to improve their terrestrial status. It did effectually combat ignorant superstition.
2015 121:4.2 1. Epikuræisme. Denne tankeskole var dedikeret i en stræben efter at være lykkelig, for lykke. De højerestående Epikuræerne helliget sig ikke til overdrevne sanselige nydelser. I det mindste hjalp denne doktrin til at befri romerne fra en værre form for fatalisme; den lærte, at mennesker kunne gøre noget for at forbedre deres jordiske status. Den førte en effektiv bekæmpelse af uvidende overtro.
1955 121:4.3 2. The Stoic. Stoicism was the superior philosophy of the better classes. The Stoics believed that a controlling Reason-Fate dominated all nature. They taught that the soul of man was divine; that it was imprisoned in the evil body of physical nature. Man’s soul achieved liberty by living in harmony with nature, with God; thus virtue came to be its own reward. Stoicism ascended to a sublime morality, ideals never since transcended by any purely human system of philosophy. While the Stoics professed to be the “offspring of God,” they failed to know him and therefore failed to find him. Stoicism remained a philosophy; it never became a religion. Its followers sought to attune their minds to the harmony of the Universal Mind, but they failed to envisage themselves as the children of a loving Father. Paul leaned heavily toward Stoicism when he wrote, “I have learned in whatsoever state I am, therewith to be content.”
2015 121:4.3 2. Stoicisme. Stoicismen var de øverste samfundsklassers højerestående filosofi. Stoikerne mente, at en kontrollerende Årsag-Skæbne dominerede hele naturen. De lærte, at menneskets sjæl var guddommelig, at den blev fængslet i den onde krop af fysisk karakter. Menneskets sjæl vandt sin frihed ved at leve i harmoni med naturen, med Gud; således blev dyden sin egen belønning. Stoicismen opnåede en storslået moral, idealer som aldrig siden er blevet overgået af noget rent menneskelige system af filosofi. Selv om stoikerne erklæret sig for "Guds afkom" lærte de ikke at kende ham, og lykkedes derfor ikke at finde ham[10]. Stoicisme forblev en filosofi; den blev aldrig en religion. Dens tilhængere søgte at tilpasse deres sind til harmonien i det universelle sind, men de kunne ikke se sig selv som børn af en kærlig Fader. Paul lænede sig stærkt opad stoicisme, da han skrev: "Jeg har lært at være tilfreds med de omstændigheder, i hvilken jeg finder mig selv[11]."
1955 121:4.4 3. The Cynic. Although the Cynics traced their philosophy to Diogenes of Athens, they derived much of their doctrine from the remnants of the teachings of Machiventa Melchizedek. Cynicism had formerly been more of a religion than a philosophy. At least the Cynics made their religio-philosophy democratic. In the fields and in the market places they continually preached their doctrine that “man could save himself if he would.” They preached simplicity and virtue and urged men to meet death fearlessly. These wandering Cynic preachers did much to prepare the spiritually hungry populace for the later Christian missionaries. Their plan of popular preaching was much after the pattern, and in accordance with the style, of Paul’s Epistles.
2015 121:4.4 3. Kynisme. Selvom Kynikerne sporede oprindelsen af deres filosofi til Diogenes i Athen, nedstammer meget af deres doktrin fra resterne af Makiventa Melkisedek lære. Kynismen havde tidligere været mere af en religion end en filosofi. I det mindste gjorde kynikerne deres religion-filosofi demokratisk. Ude på landet og markedspladser prædikede de vedvarende deres doktrin, at "mennesket kunne redde sig selv, hvis det ønskede det." De prædikede enkelhed og dyd og opfordrede menneskerne til at møde døden frygtløst. Disse vandrende prædikanter i kynisme gjorde meget for at forberede de åndeligt sultne mennesker til de senere kristne missionærer. Deres måde at prædike for folket fulgte stort set samme mønster og samme stil som findes i Paulus breve.
1955 121:4.5 4. The Skeptic. Skepticism asserted that knowledge was fallacious, and that conviction and assurance were impossible. It was a purely negative attitude and never became widespread.
2015 121:4.5 4. Skepticisme. Skepticismen hævdede, at viden var vildledende, og at overbevisning og sikkerhed var umuligheder. Det var en rent negativ holdning og skepticisme fik aldrig nogen større udbredelse.
1955 121:4.6 These philosophies were semireligious; they were often invigorating, ethical, and ennobling but were usually above the common people. With the possible exception of Cynicism, they were philosophies for the strong and the wise, not religions of salvation for even the poor and the weak.
2015 121:4.6 Disse filosofier var halvt religiøse. De var ofte oplivende, etiske og forædlende, men generelt var de over niveauet for de almindelige mennesker. Med den mulige undtagelse af Kynisme, var de filosofier for de stærke og de kloge, ikke frelserreligioner for selv de fattige og svage.
5. THE GENTILE RELIGIONS
5. DE IKKE-JØDISKE RELIGIONER
1955 121:5.1 Throughout preceding ages religion had chiefly been an affair of the tribe or nation; it had not often been a matter of concern to the individual. Gods were tribal or national, not personal. Such religious systems afforded little satisfaction for the individual spiritual longings of the average person.
2015 121:5.1 Under alle de foregående tidsaldre havde religionen primært været stammens eller nationens affære. Den havde ikke ofte været noget individet bekymrede sig om. Guderne var stammeledere eller nationale guder, ikke personlige guder. Sådanne religiøse systemer gav ikke meget tilfredsstillelse for den individuelle åndelige længsel som det gennemsnitlige menneske havde.
2015 121:5.2 Under Jesu tid bestod de vestlige religioner af:
1955 121:5.3 1. The pagan cults. These were a combination of Hellenic and Latin mythology, patriotism, and tradition.
2015 121:5.3 1. De hedenske kulter. Disse var en kombination af hellensk og latin mytologi, patriotisme, og tradition.
1955 121:5.4 2. Emperor worship. This deification of man as the symbol of the state was very seriously resented by the Jews and the early Christians and led directly to the bitter persecutions of both churches by the Roman government.
2015 121:5.4 2. Kejser tilbedelse. Denne guddommeliggørelse af mennesket som et symbol på staten blev afvist meget kraftigt af jøderne og de tidlige kristne og førte direkte til den romerske regerings bittert forfølgelse af begge kirker.
1955 121:5.5 3. Astrology. This pseudo science of Babylon developed into a religion throughout the Greco-Roman Empire. Even in the twentieth century man has not been fully delivered from this superstitious belief.
2015 121:5.5 3. Astrologi. Denne pseudo videnskab fra Babylons udviklede sig til en religion i hele det græsk-romerske imperium. Ikke engang i det tyvende århundrede er mennesket blevet helt fri for denne overtroiske tro.
1955 121:5.6 4. The mystery religions. Upon such a spiritually hungry world a flood of mystery cults had broken, new and strange religions from the Levant, which had enamored the common people and had promised them individual salvation. These religions rapidly became the accepted belief of the lower classes of the Greco-Roman world. And they did much to prepare the way for the rapid spread of the vastly superior Christian teachings, which presented a majestic concept of Deity, associated with an intriguing theology for the intelligent and a profound proffer of salvation for all, including the ignorant but spiritually hungry average man of those days.
2015 121:5.6 4. Mysteriereligionerne. Over denne åndeligt sultne verden var en strøm af mysteriekulter dukkede op, nye og mærkelige religioner fra Levanten, der havde betaget almindelige mennesker, og havde lovet dem individuel frelse. Disse religioner blev hurtigt den accepterede tro, af de lavere klasser i den græsk-romerske verden. De havde stor betydning i at forberede vejen for den hurtige spredning af de langt højerestående kristne lærdomme, som udviklede en majestætisk opfattelse af guddommen, forbundet med en spændende teologi for de intelligente og et omfattende tilbud om frelse for alle, herunder de uvidende, men åndeligt sultne gennemsnitlige mennesker af disse tider.
1955 121:5.7 The mystery religions spelled the end of national beliefs and resulted in the birth of the numerous personal cults. The mysteries were many but were all characterized by:
2015 121:5.7 Mysteriereligionerne indebar afslutningen på de nationale overbevisninger og førte til fremkomsten af talrige personorienterede sekter. Mysterierne var mange, men blev alle kendetegnet af følgende faktorer:
1955 121:5.8 1. Some mythical legend, a mystery—whence their name. As a rule this mystery pertained to the story of some god’s life and death and return to life, as illustrated by the teachings of Mithraism, which, for a time, were contemporary with, and a competitor of, Paul’s rising cult of Christianity.
2015 121:5.8 1. Nogle mytiske legende, et mysterium - deraf deres navn. Som regel var dette mysterium knyttet til historien om nogle guders liv og død, og genopvækkelse til livet, som det fremgår af Mithraskultens læren, som for en tid var samtidig med og konkurrent til Pauls spirende kult af kristendommen.
1955 121:5.9 2. The mysteries were nonnational and interracial. They were personal and fraternal, giving rise to religious brotherhoods and numerous sectarian societies.
2015 121:5.9 2. Mysterierne blev ikke bundet til nationerne, og de strakte sig over racemæssige grænser. De var personlige og broderlige, og gav oprindelse til religiøse broderskaber og mange sekteriske samfund.
1955 121:5.10 3. They were, in their services, characterized by elaborate ceremonies of initiation and impressive sacraments of worship. Their secret rites and rituals were sometimes gruesome and revolting.
2015 121:5.10 3. Deres tilbedelse var præget af omfattende indvielsesceremonier og imponerende sakramenter. Deres hemmelige ceremonier og ritualer blev undertiden grusomme og afskyelige.
1955 121:5.11 4. But no matter what the nature of their ceremonies or the degree of their excesses, these mysteries invariably promised their devotees salvation, “deliverance from evil, survival after death, and enduring life in blissful realms beyond this world of sorrow and slavery.”
1955 121:5.12 But do not make the mistake of confusing the teachings of Jesus with the mysteries. The popularity of the mysteries reveals man’s quest for survival, thus portraying a real hunger and thirst for personal religion and individual righteousness. Although the mysteries failed adequately to satisfy this longing, they did prepare the way for the subsequent appearance of Jesus, who truly brought to this world the bread of life and the water thereof.
2015 121:5.12 I må imidlertid ikke begå den fejl at forveksle Jesu lære med mysterierne. Mysteriernes popularitet afslører menneskets ønske om overlevelse og er således et udtryk for en reel sult og tørst efter personlig religion og individuel retfærdighed. Selvom mysterier ikke i tilstrækkeligt grad kunne opfylde denne længsel, så banede de helt sikkert vejen for den efterfølgende forekomst af Jesus, som virkelig bragte brød og livets vand til denne verden.
1955 121:5.13 Paul, in an effort to utilize the widespread adherence to the better types of the mystery religions, made certain adaptations of the teachings of Jesus so as to render them more acceptable to a larger number of prospective converts. But even Paul’s compromise of Jesus’ teachings (Christianity) was superior to the best in the mysteries in that:
2015 121:5.13 Paulus gjorde, i et forsøg på at udnytte den udbredte tilslutning til de højere typer af mysteriereligioner, visse ændringer af Jesu lære for at gøre dem mere acceptable for et større antal potentielle konvertitter. Men selv Pauls kompromis af Jesu lære (Kristendom) var bedre end det bedste som mysterierne havde, idet:
1955 121:5.14 1. Paul taught a moral redemption, an ethical salvation. Christianity pointed to a new life and proclaimed a new ideal. Paul forsook magic rites and ceremonial enchantments.
2015 121:5.14 1. Paulus underviste om en moralsk forløsning, en etisk befrielse. Kristendommen pegede på et nyt liv og proklamerede et nyt ideal. Paul afholdte sig fra magiske ritualer og ceremonielle fortryllelse.
1955 121:5.15 2. Christianity presented a religion which grappled with final solutions of the human problem, for it not only offered salvation from sorrow and even from death, but it also promised deliverance from sin followed by the endowment of a righteous character of eternal survival qualities.
2015 121:5.15 2. Kristendommen præsenterede en religion, der tog livtag med endelige løsninger af det menneskelige problem, fordi den ikke kun tilbød frelse fra sorg og endda fra døden, men også lovede udfrielse fra synd efterfulgt af forlængelse af en retskaffen karakter med kvaliteter til evig overlevelse.
1955 121:5.16 3. The mysteries were built upon myths. Christianity, as Paul preached it, was founded upon a historic fact: the bestowal of Michael, the Son of God, upon mankind.
2015 121:5.16 3. Mysterierne var baseret på myter. Kristendommen, som Paulus prædikede den, var baseret på en historisk kendsgerning: Mikael, Guds søn, overdragelse til menneskeheden.
1955 121:5.17 Morality among the gentiles was not necessarily related to either philosophy or religion. Outside of Palestine it not always occurred to people that a priest of religion was supposed to lead a moral life. Jewish religion and subsequently the teachings of Jesus and later the evolving Christianity of Paul were the first European religions to lay one hand upon morals and the other upon ethics, insisting that religionists pay some attention to both.
2015 121:5.17 Moralen blandt ikke-jøderne var ikke nødvendigvis relateret til hverken filosofi eller religion. Uden for Palæstina var det ikke altid en selvfølge for mennesker at præsten, der repræsenterede en religion, bør forventes at leve et moralsk liv. Den jødiske religion og efterfølgende Jesu lære og senere Pauls udviklende kristendom var de første europæiske religioner som med den ene hånd, greb fat i moral og den anden i etik og insisterede på, at religionsudøvere gav en vis opmærksomhed til begge.
1955 121:5.18 Into such a generation of men, dominated by such incomplete systems of philosophy and perplexed by such complex cults of religion, Jesus was born in Palestine. And to this same generation he subsequently gave his gospel of personal religion—sonship with God.
2015 121:5.18 Blandt sådan en generation af mennesker, domineret af sådanne ufuldstændige systemer af filosofi og forvirret af sådanne komplekse religiøse kulter, blev Jesus født i Palæstina. Til denne samme generation, gav han senere sit evangelium om personlig religion - sønskab med Gud.
6. THE HEBREW RELIGION
6. DEN HEBRAISKE RELIGION
1955 121:6.1 By the close of the first century before Christ the religious thought of Jerusalem had been tremendously influenced and somewhat modified by Greek cultural teachings and even by Greek philosophy. In the long contest between the views of the Eastern and Western schools of Hebrew thought, Jerusalem and the rest of the Occident and the Levant in general adopted the Western Jewish or modified Hellenistic viewpoint.
2015 121:6.1 Indtil slutningen af det første århundrede før Kristus, havde den græske kulturelle lærer og selv den græsk filosofi meget påvirket og i en vis grad modificeret den religiøse tænkning i Jerusalem. I den lange kamp mellem synspunkterne i de østlige og vestlige skoler for hebraisk tænkning overtog Jerusalem og resten af Vesten og Levanten generelt det vestlige jødiske eller modificeret hellenistiske synspunkt.
1955 121:6.2 In the days of Jesus three languages prevailed in Palestine: The common people spoke some dialect of Aramaic; the priests and rabbis spoke Hebrew; the educated classes and the better strata of Jews in general spoke Greek. The early translation of the Hebrew scriptures into Greek at Alexandria was responsible in no small measure for the subsequent predominance of the Greek wing of Jewish culture and theology. And the writings of the Christian teachers were soon to appear in the same language. The renaissance of Judaism dates from the Greek translation of the Hebrew scriptures. This was a vital influence which later determined the drift of Paul’s Christian cult toward the West instead of toward the East.
2015 121:6.2 På Jesu tid var der tre sprog i Palæstina: De almindelige mennesker talte en dialekt af aramæisk; præsterne og rabbinerne talte hebraisk; de uddannede klasser og det øverste lag af jøderne talte i almindelighed græsk. Den tidlige oversættelse af de hebraiske skrifter til græsk i Alexandria, førte i høj grad til at den græske fløj af den jødiske kultur og teologi senere blev udbredt. De kristne læreres skrifter ville også snart være at læse i det samme sprog. Jødedommens renæssance stammer fra oversættelsen af de hebraiske skrifter til græsk. Dette var en væsentlig indflydelse, som senere blev afgørende for den efterfølgende spredning af Pauls kristne kult mod vest og ikke øst.
1955 121:6.3 Though the Hellenized Jewish beliefs were very little influenced by the teachings of the Epicureans, they were very materially affected by the philosophy of Plato and the self-abnegation doctrines of the Stoics. The great inroad of Stoicism is exemplified by the Fourth Book of the Maccabees; the penetration of both Platonic philosophy and Stoic doctrines is exhibited in the Wisdom of Solomon. The Hellenized Jews brought to the Hebrew scriptures such an allegorical interpretation that they found no difficulty in conforming Hebrew theology with their revered Aristotelian philosophy. But this all led to disastrous confusion until these problems were taken in hand by Philo of Alexandria, who proceeded to harmonize and systemize Greek philosophy and Hebrew theology into a compact and fairly consistent system of religious belief and practice. And it was this later teaching of combined Greek philosophy and Hebrew theology that prevailed in Palestine when Jesus lived and taught, and which Paul utilized as the foundation on which to build his more advanced and enlightening cult of Christianity.
2015 121:6.3 Selvom de helleniserede jødiske trosopfattelser var meget lidt påvirket af de epikuræiske doktriner, var de i betydelig grad påvirket af Platons filosofi og stoikernes doktriner om selvfornægtelse. Den største indtrængen fra stoicisme er eksemplificeret af den fjerde Makkabæerbog. Indflydelsen fra både Platons filosofi og stoikernes doktriner er synlig i Salomons visdomsbog. De helleniserede jøder indførte en sådan allegorisk fortolkning af de hebraiske skrifter, at de ikke havde nogen vanskeligheder med at få hebraisk teologi i overensstemmelse med Aristoteles filosofi, som de æret. Alt dette, førte dog til en katastrofal forvirring indtil Philo af Alexandria tog sig af disse problemer, og satte sig for at harmonisere og systematisere græsk filosofi og hebraisk teologi i et kompakt og forholdsvis sammenhængende system af religiøs tro og praksis. Det var denne senere lære, som kombinerede græsk filosofi og hebraisk teologi, der herskede i Palæstina da Jesus levede og underviste, og som Paulus anvendte som basis for at opbygge sin mere avancerede og oplysende kristendomskult.
1955 121:6.4 Philo was a great teacher; not since Moses had there lived a man who exerted such a profound influence on the ethical and religious thought of the Occidental world. In the matter of the combination of the better elements in contemporaneous systems of ethical and religious teachings, there have been seven outstanding human teachers: Sethard, Moses, Zoroaster, Lao-tse, Buddha, Philo, and Paul.
2015 121:6.4 Philo var en stor lærer. Ikke siden Moses havde der levet nogen som have udøvet sådan en stor indflydelse på den etiske og religiøse tænkning i den vesterlandske verden. Når det gjaldt om at kombinere de mere avancerede elementer af samtidens systemer af etiske og religiøse lærer, har der været syv fremtrædende menneskelige lærere: Sethard, Moses, Zoroaster, Lao-tse, Buddha, Philo, og Paulus.
1955 121:6.5 Many, but not all, of Philo’s inconsistencies resulting from an effort to combine Greek mystical philosophy and Roman Stoic doctrines with the legalistic theology of the Hebrews, Paul recognized and wisely eliminated from his pre-Christian basic theology. Philo led the way for Paul more fully to restore the concept of the Paradise Trinity, which had long been dormant in Jewish theology. In only one matter did Paul fail to keep pace with Philo or to transcend the teachings of this wealthy and educated Jew of Alexandria, and that was the doctrine of the atonement; Philo taught deliverance from the doctrine of forgiveness only by the shedding of blood. He also possibly glimpsed the reality and presence of the Thought Adjusters more clearly than did Paul. But Paul’s theory of original sin, the doctrines of hereditary guilt and innate evil and redemption therefrom, was partially Mithraic in origin, having little in common with Hebrew theology, Philo’s philosophy, or Jesus’ teachings. Some phases of Paul’s teachings regarding original sin and the atonement were original with himself.
2015 121:6.5 Mange, men ikke alle, af Philos uoverensstemmelser var et resultat af bestræbelserne på at kombinere den græske mystiske filosofi og de romerske stoiske doktriner med hebræernes legalistiske teologi, Paulus observerede og fjernet dem klogt fra sin før-kristne grundteologi. Philo banede vejen for Paulus med mere fuldt ud, at genoprette begrebet om Paradistreenigheden, som længe havde været i dvale i jødisk teologi. Kun i en sag kunne Paul ikke holde trit med Philo eller at overgå denne velhavende og lærte Jøde fra Alexandria, nemlig når det kom til læren om forsoningen. Philo erklærede befrielse fra læren om at tilgivelse kun kunne opnås ved at udgyde blod. Muligvis skimtede han også Tankeretterne eksistens og tilstedeværelse klarere end Paulus. Paulus teori om arvesynden - doktrinerne om nedarvet skyld og medfødt ondskab og indløsning derfra - havde til dels sin oprindelse i Mithraskulten, der havde meget lidt til fælles med hebraisk teologi, Philos filosofi, eller Jesu lære. Nogle faser af Paulus lære om arvesynden og forsoningen opstod på baggrund af hans egne ideer.
1955 121:6.6 The Gospel of John, the last of the narratives of Jesus’ earth life, was addressed to the Western peoples and presents its story much in the light of the viewpoint of the later Alexandrian Christians, who were also disciples of the teachings of Philo.
2015 121:6.6 Johannesevangeliet, den sidste af beretningerne om Jesu jordiske liv, var rettet til de vestlige befolkninger og præsenterede sit budskab i høj grad i lyset af det synspunkt af de senere alexandrinske kristne, som også var tilhængere af Philos lære.
1955 121:6.7 At about the time of Christ a strange reversion of feeling toward the Jews occurred in Alexandria, and from this former Jewish stronghold there went forth a virulent wave of persecution, extending even to Rome, from which many thousands were banished. But such a campaign of misrepresentation was short-lived; very soon the imperial government fully restored the curtailed liberties of the Jews throughout the empire.
2015 121:6.7 Omkring Kristi tid fandt en bemærkelsesværdig følelsesmæssig vending i holdninger til jøder sted i Alexandria, og fra denne tidligere jødiske højborg udgik en voldsom bølge af forfølgelser, der strakte sig hele vejen til Rom, hvorfra mange tusinde blev fordrevet. Men en sådan kampagne for vildledning var kortlivet; meget snart restaurerede det kejserlige styre alle jødernes indskrænket rettigheder i hele imperiet.
1955 121:6.8 Throughout the whole wide world, no matter where the Jews found themselves dispersed by commerce or oppression, all with one accord kept their hearts centered on the holy temple at Jerusalem. Jewish theology did survive as it was interpreted and practiced at Jerusalem, notwithstanding that it was several times saved from oblivion by the timely intervention of certain Babylonian teachers.
2015 121:6.8 Overalt i hele den vide verden, hvor jøderne end befandt sig spredt af handel eller undertrykkelse, holdt de alle enstemmigt deres hjerte fastgjort til det hellige tempel i Jerusalem. Jødisk teologi overlevede faktisk, som fortolket og praktiseret i Jerusalem, selv om den flere gange blev reddet fra glemsel ved rettidig indgriben af visse babyloniske lærere.
1955 121:6.9 As many as two and one-half million of these dispersed Jews used to come to Jerusalem for the celebration of their national religious festivals. And no matter what the theologic or philosophic differences of the Eastern (Babylonian) and the Western (Hellenic) Jews, they were all agreed on Jerusalem as the center of their worship and in ever looking forward to the coming of the Messiah.
2015 121:6.9 Så mange som to og en halv million af disse spredte jøder plejede at komme til Jerusalem for at fejre deres nationale religiøse festivaler. Uanset de teologiske eller filosofiske forskelle, der eksisterede mellem den østlige (babyloniske) og vestlige (hellenske) jøder, var de alle enige om, at Jerusalem var centrum for deres tilbedelse, og at de hele tiden så frem til Messias komme.
7. JEWS AND GENTILES
7. JØDERNE OG IKKE-JØDERNE
1955 121:7.1 By the times of Jesus the Jews had arrived at a settled concept of their origin, history, and destiny. They had built up a rigid wall of separation between themselves and the gentile world; they looked upon all gentile ways with utter contempt. They worshiped the letter of the law and indulged a form of self-righteousness based upon the false pride of descent. They had formed preconceived notions regarding the promised Messiah, and most of these expectations envisaged a Messiah who would come as a part of their national and racial history. To the Hebrews of those days Jewish theology was irrevocably settled, forever fixed.
2015 121:7.1 På Jesu tid var jøderne kommet frem til en bestemt opfattelse om dens oprindelse, dens historie og dens skæbne. De havde opbygget en tæt mur, der adskilte dem fra den ikke-jødiske verden. De betragtede alle ikke-jødiske skikke med den største foragt. De tilbad lovens bogstav og hengav sig til en form for selvretfærdighed baseret på den falske stolthed over deres afstamning. De havde dannet forudfattede opfattelser om den lovede Messias, og de fleste af disse forventninger påtænkte en Messias, som ville komme som en del af deres nationale og racemæssige historie. For hebræerne i disse tider var den jødisk teologi uigenkaldeligt stabiliseret, for evigt bestemt.
1955 121:7.2 The teachings and practices of Jesus regarding tolerance and kindness ran counter to the long-standing attitude of the Jews toward other peoples whom they considered heathen. For generations the Jews had nourished an attitude toward the outside world which made it impossible for them to accept the Master’s teachings about the spiritual brotherhood of man. They were unwilling to share Yahweh on equal terms with the gentiles and were likewise unwilling to accept as the Son of God one who taught such new and strange doctrines.
2015 121:7.2 Jesu lære og aktiviteter, med hensyn til tolerance og venlighed, gik imod jøderne længe etablerede holdning til andre folkeslag, som de anså for ikke-jøder. I generationer havde jøderne næret en sådan holdning til omverdenen, at det blev umuligt for dem at acceptere Mesterens lærdomme om det åndelige broderskab af mennesket. De var uvillige til at dele Jahve på lige fod med ikke-jøderne og var ligeså uvillige til at acceptere en som Guds Søn, der proklamerede sådanne nye og mærkelige lærdomme.
1955 121:7.3 The scribes, the Pharisees, and the priesthood held the Jews in a terrible bondage of ritualism and legalism, a bondage far more real than that of the Roman political rule. The Jews of Jesus’ time were not only held in subjugation to the law but were equally bound by the slavish demands of the traditions, which involved and invaded every domain of personal and social life. These minute regulations of conduct pursued and dominated every loyal Jew, and it is not strange that they promptly rejected one of their number who presumed to ignore their sacred traditions, and who dared to flout their long-honored regulations of social conduct. They could hardly regard with favor the teachings of one who did not hesitate to clash with dogmas which they regarded as having been ordained by Father Abraham himself. Moses had given them their law and they would not compromise.
2015 121:7.3 De skriftkloge, farisæerne og præsteskabet holdt jøderne i en forfærdelig trældom af ritualer og legalisme, en trældom som var meget mere ægte end det romerske politiske herredømme indebar. Jøderne på Jesu tid blev ikke kun holdt i underkastelse til loven, men var lige så bundet af slaviske krav fra traditioner, der involverede og invaderede alle områder af det personlige og sociale liv. Disse detaljerede standarder for adfærd forfulgte og dominerede hver loyal jøde, og det er derfor ikke mærkeligt, at de straks afviste en, der tilhørte dem, og som vovede at ignorere deres hellige traditioner, og som vovede at lade hånt om deres længe hævdvundne normer for social adfærd. De kunne næsten ikke reagere positivt på proklamationen af en, der ikke tøver med at gå imod deres overbevisning, som de anså for at være ordineret af Fader Abraham. Moses havde givet dem deres lov og de ville ikke gå på kompromis.
1955 121:7.4 By the time of the first century after Christ the spoken interpretation of the law by the recognized teachers, the scribes, had become a higher authority than the written law itself. And all this made it easier for certain religious leaders of the Jews to array the people against the acceptance of a new gospel.
2015 121:7.4 Under det første århundrede efter Kristus havde de anerkendte lærere, de skriftkloges, mundtlige fortolkning af loven blevet en højere myndighed end den skrevne lov. Alt dette gjorde det lettere for nogle af de jødiske religiøse ledere at sætte folk op imod at acceptere et nyt evangelium.
1955 121:7.5 These circumstances rendered it impossible for the Jews to fulfill their divine destiny as messengers of the new gospel of religious freedom and spiritual liberty. They could not break the fetters of tradition. Jeremiah had told of the “law to be written in men’s hearts,” Ezekiel had spoken of a “new spirit to live in man’s soul,” and the Psalmist had prayed that God would “create a clean heart within and renew a right spirit.” But when the Jewish religion of good works and slavery to law fell victim to the stagnation of traditionalistic inertia, the motion of religious evolution passed westward to the European peoples.
2015 121:7.5 Disse forhold gjorde det umuligt for jøderne at opfylde deres guddommelige skæbne som budbringere af det nye evangelium om religiøs frigørelse og åndelig frihed. De kunne ikke bryde traditionens lænker. Jeremias havde berettet om "loven som skal skrives i menneskers hjerter," Ezekiel havde talt om en "ny ånd, der vil leve i menneskets sjæl", og salmisten havde bedt til Gud om at "skabe et rent hjerte i mig, og forny i mig en ret ånd[16]." Da den jødiske religion om gode gerninger og slaveri under loven blev ofre for den stagnerende traditionalistiske træghed, flyttede den religiøse evolutions bevægelsesmomentum vestpå til de europæiske folk[17][18].
1955 121:7.6 And so a different people were called upon to carry an advancing theology to the world, a system of teaching embodying the philosophy of the Greeks, the law of the Romans, the morality of the Hebrews, and the gospel of personality sanctity and spiritual liberty formulated by Paul and based on the teachings of Jesus.
2015 121:7.6 Således blev et andet folk opfordret til at sprede en fremrykkende teologi til verden, et system af forkyndelse som involverede grækernes filosofi, romernes lov, hebræernes moral og det evangelium om personlighedens hellighed og åndelig frihed formuleret af Paul og baseret på Jesu lære.
1955 121:7.7 Paul’s cult of Christianity exhibited its morality as a Jewish birthmark. The Jews viewed history as the providence of God—Yahweh at work. The Greeks brought to the new teaching clearer concepts of the eternal life. Paul’s doctrines were influenced in theology and philosophy not only by Jesus’ teachings but also by Plato and Philo. In ethics he was inspired not only by Christ but also by the Stoics.
2015 121:7.7 Paulus kristendomskult udstillede sin moral som et jødisk modermærke. Jøderne så historien som Guds forsyn - Jahve på arbejde. Grækerne bidrog til den nye lære med klarere opfattelser om det evige liv. Paulus lærdomme var påvirket i teologi og filosofi ikke kun af Jesu lære, men også af Platon og Philo. I sin etik blev han inspireret ikke blot af Kristus, men også af stoikerne.
1955 121:7.8 The gospel of Jesus, as it was embodied in Paul’s cult of Antioch Christianity, became blended with the following teachings:
2015 121:7.8 Jesu evangelium, som det blev manifesteret i Paulus kult baseret på Antiokisk kristendom, blev blandet op med følgende lære:
1955 121:7.9 1. The philosophic reasoning of the Greek proselytes to Judaism, including some of their concepts of the eternal life.
2015 121:7.9 1. Den filosofiske argumentation af de græske proselytter til jødedommen, herunder nogle af deres begreber om det evige liv.
1955 121:7.10 2. The appealing teachings of the prevailing mystery cults, especially the Mithraic doctrines of redemption, atonement, and salvation by the sacrifice made by some god.
2015 121:7.10 2. De tiltalende lærdomme i de fremherskende mysteriekulter, især Mithraskultens lærdomme om forløsning, forsoning og frelse gennem en opofring begået af nogen gud.
1955 121:7.11 3. The sturdy morality of the established Jewish religion.
2015 121:7.11 3. Den robuste moral i den etablerede jødiske religion.
1955 121:7.12 The Mediterranean Roman Empire, the Parthian kingdom, and the adjacent peoples of Jesus’ time all held crude and primitive ideas regarding the geography of the world, astronomy, health, and disease; and naturally they were amazed by the new and startling pronouncements of the carpenter of Nazareth. The ideas of spirit possession, good and bad, applied not merely to human beings, but every rock and tree was viewed by many as being spirit possessed. This was an enchanted age, and everybody believed in miracles as commonplace occurrences.
2015 121:7.12 Middelhavets Romerrige, det parthiske rige, og de tilstødende folk under Jesu tid havde alle usofistikerede og primitive forestillinger om verdens geografi, astronomi, sundhed og sygdom; og selvfølgelig blev de overrasket over de nye og overraskende udsagn som tømreren fra Nazaret fremførte. Idéerne om at blive besat af ånder, gode eller dårlige, gjaldt ikke kun mennesker, men hver en sten og træ blev anset af mange for at være besat af ånd. Det var en fortryllet tidsalder, og alle troede på mirakler, som om de var dagligdags hændelser.
8. PREVIOUS WRITTEN RECORDS
8. TIDIGERE SKRIFTLIGE FREMSTILLINGER
1955 121:8.1 As far as possible, consistent with our mandate, we have endeavored to utilize and to some extent co-ordinate the existing records having to do with the life of Jesus on Urantia. Although we have enjoyed access to the lost record of the Apostle Andrew and have benefited from the collaboration of a vast host of celestial beings who were on earth during the times of Michael’s bestowal (notably his now Personalized Adjuster), it has been our purpose also to make use of the so-called Gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John.
2015 121:8.1 Så vidt muligt og i overensstemmelse med vores mandat, har vi forsøgt at udnytte og til en vis grad koordinere de tidlige optegnelser om Jesu liv på Urantia. Selvom vi har haft adgang til apostlen Andreas forsvundne optegnelser, og har nydt godt af samarbejdet med en lang række himmelske væsener, der var på jorden på tidspunktet for Mikaels overdragelse (navnlig hans nuværende Personlige Retter), har det været vores hensigt at gøre brug af de såkaldte evangelier af Mattæus, Markus, Lukas og Johannes.
1955 121:8.2 These New Testament records had their origin in the following circumstances:
2015 121:8.2 Disse historier i Det Nye Testamente er opstået under følgende omstændigheder:
1955 121:8.3 1. The Gospel by Mark. John Mark wrote the earliest (excepting the notes of Andrew), briefest, and most simple record of Jesus’ life. He presented the Master as a minister, as man among men. Although Mark was a lad lingering about many of the scenes which he depicts, his record is in reality the Gospel according to Simon Peter. He was early associated with Peter; later with Paul. Mark wrote this record at the instigation of Peter and on the earnest petition of the church at Rome. Knowing how consistently the Master refused to write out his teachings when on earth and in the flesh, Mark, like the apostles and other leading disciples, was hesitant to put them in writing. But Peter felt the church at Rome required the assistance of such a written narrative, and Mark consented to undertake its preparation. He made many notes before Peter died in A.D. 67, and in accordance with the outline approved by Peter and for the church at Rome, he began his writing soon after Peter’s death. The Gospel was completed near the end of A.D. 68. Mark wrote entirely from his own memory and Peter’s memory. The record has since been considerably changed, numerous passages having been taken out and some later matter added at the end to replace the latter one fifth of the original Gospel, which was lost from the first manuscript before it was ever copied. This record by Mark, in conjunction with Andrew’s and Matthew’s notes, was the written basis of all subsequent Gospel narratives which sought to portray the life and teachings of Jesus.
2015 121:8.3 1. Markusevangeliet. Johannes Markus skrev den tidligste (med undtagelse af Andreas optegnelser), korteste og enkleste historie om Jesu liv. Han præsenterede Mesteren som en tjener, en mand blandt mænd. Selvom Markus var en ung knægt, der opholdt sig i nærheden af mange af de scener, som han beskriver, er hans historie i virkeligheden evangeliet ifølge Simon Peter. Markus var tidligt i forbindelse med Peter; senere med Paul. Markus skrev denne historie på opfordring af Peter og den indtrængende anmodning af kirken i Rom. Velvidende om, hvor konsekvent Mesteren nægtede at nedskrive sin lære, da han var på jorden, i kødet, var Markus, ligesom apostlene og andre ledende disciple tilbageholdende med at sætte den på skriftlig form. Men Peter følte kirken i Rom havde støtte af en sådan skriftlig fortælling, og Markus samtykkede til at påtage sig opgaven. Han gjorde mange noter, før Peter døde i 67 e.Kr., og i overensstemmelse med det udkast, som Peter havde accepteret og givet menigheden i Rom, begyndte han sin nedskrivning kort efter Peters død. Evangeliet blev afsluttet i slutningen af året 68 e.Kr. Markus skrev helt fra hans egen hukommelse og efter hvad Peter huskede. Dette dokument er siden blevet betydeligt ændret, mange passager er udeladt og en del senere materiale er blevet tilføjet i slutningen for at erstatte den sidste femte del af det oprindelige evangelium. Denne del er forsvundet fra manuskriptet, før nogen afskrift var blevet foretaget. Historien af Markus danner tilsammen med Andreas og Mattæus noter det skriftlige grundlag for alle efterfølgende evangelieberetninger som forsøgte at beskrive Jesu liv og lære.
1955 121:8.4 2. The Gospel of Matthew. The so-called Gospel according to Matthew is the record of the Master’s life which was written for the edification of Jewish Christians. The author of this record constantly seeks to show in Jesus’ life that much which he did was that “it might be fulfilled which was spoken by the prophet.” Matthew’s Gospel portrays Jesus as a son of David, picturing him as showing great respect for the law and the prophets.
2015 121:8.4 2. Mattæusevangeliet. Det såkaldte Mattæusevangeliet er historien om Mesterens liv skrevet for de jødiske kristnes opbyggelse. Forfatteren af denne fremstilling forsøger konstant at vise, at meget, som Jesus gjorde i sit liv var for at "profetens ord kunne gå i opfyldelse[19]." Mattæusevangeliet præsenterer Jesus som en søn af David og beskriver ham som den, der viste stor respekt for loven og profeterne[20].
1955 121:8.5 The Apostle Matthew did not write this Gospel. It was written by Isador, one of his disciples, who had as a help in his work not only Matthew’s personal remembrance of these events but also a certain record which the latter had made of the sayings of Jesus directly after the crucifixion. This record by Matthew was written in Aramaic; Isador wrote in Greek. There was no intent to deceive in accrediting the production to Matthew. It was the custom in those days for pupils thus to honor their teachers.
2015 121:8.5 Apostlen Mattæus skrev ikke dette evangelium. Det blev skrevet af Isador, en af hans disciple, der havde som hjælp i hans arbejde ikke kun Mattæus personlige erindringer om disse begivenheder, men også en vis samling, som sidstnævnte havde gjort af citater af Jesu direkte efter korsfæstelse. Denne samling af Mattæus blev skrevet på aramæisk; Isador skrev på græsk. Der var ingen hensigt til at vildlede, ved at akkreditere produktionen til Mattæus. Det var skik i de dage for studerende på denne måde at hædre deres lærere.
1955 121:8.6 Matthew’s original record was edited and added to in A.D. 40 just before he left Jerusalem to engage in evangelistic preaching. It was a private record, the last copy having been destroyed in the burning of a Syrian monastery in A.D. 416.
2015 121:8.6 Mattæus oprindelige optegnelser blev redigeret og tilføjes i AD 40 lige før han forlod Jerusalem for at dedikere sig til at forkynde evangeliet. Dette var en privat optegnelse, og det sidste kopi blev ødelagt af branden i et kloster i Syrien i 416 e.Kr.
1955 121:8.7 Isador escaped from Jerusalem in A.D. 70 after the investment of the city by the armies of Titus, taking with him to Pella a copy of Matthew’s notes. In the year 71, while living at Pella, Isador wrote the Gospel according to Matthew. He also had with him the first four fifths of Mark’s narrative.
2015 121:8.7 Isador flygtede fra Jerusalem i 70 e.Kr. efter at byen var blevet omringet af Titus hære, og han tog med sig til Pella en kopi af Mattæus notater. I år 71 mens Isador boede i Pella, skrev han Mattæusevangeliet. Han havde også med sig de første fire femtedele af Markus fortælling.
1955 121:8.8 3. The Gospel by Luke. Luke, the physician of Antioch in Pisidia, was a gentile convert of Paul, and he wrote quite a different story of the Master’s life. He began to follow Paul and learn of the life and teachings of Jesus in A.D. 47. Luke preserves much of the “grace of the Lord Jesus Christ” in his record as he gathered up these facts from Paul and others. Luke presents the Master as “the friend of publicans and sinners.” He did not formulate his many notes into the Gospel until after Paul’s death. Luke wrote in the year 82 in Achaia. He planned three books dealing with the history of Christ and Christianity but died in A.D. 90 just before he finished the second of these works, the “Acts of the Apostles.”
2015 121:8.8 3. Lukasevangeliet. Lukas, en læge fra Antiokia i Pisidien var en ikke-jøde, som Paulus havde omvendt, og han skrev en ganske anden historie om Mesterens liv. Han begyndte at følge Paulus og lærte om Jesu liv og lære år 47 e.Kr[21]. Lukas bevarer i sin fortælling meget af "venligheden hos Herren Jesus Kristus", så som han indsamlede disse kendsgerninger fra Paul og andre[22]. Lukas præsenterer Mesteren som "ven af toldere og syndere". Han sammensatte ikke sine mange notater til et evangelium før efter Pauls død. Lukas skrev sit evangelium i år 82 i Akaja. Han planlagde tre bøger, der skulle handle om Kristus og kristendommens historie, men han døde i år 90 e.Kr. lige før han ville have afsluttet den anden af disse værker, "Apostlenes Gerninger".
1955 121:8.9 As material for the compilation of his Gospel, Luke first depended upon the story of Jesus’ life as Paul had related it to him. Luke’s Gospel is, therefore, in some ways the Gospel according to Paul. But Luke had other sources of information. He not only interviewed scores of eyewitnesses to the numerous episodes of Jesus’ life which he records, but he also had with him a copy of Mark’s Gospel, that is, the first four fifths, Isador’s narrative, and a brief record made in the year A.D. 78 at Antioch by a believer named Cedes. Luke also had a mutilated and much-edited copy of some notes purported to have been made by the Apostle Andrew.
2015 121:8.9 Som materiale til udarbejdelse af sit evangelium, afhang Lukas i begyndelsen på historien om Jesu liv som Paulus havde beskrevet det for ham. Lukas evangelium er derfor på nogle måder evangeliet ifølge Paulus. Lukas havde andre informationskilder. Ikke kun interviewede han snesevis af øjenvidner til de mange episoder af Jesu liv, som han beskriver, men han havde også en kopi af Markus evangeliet, dvs. De første fire femtedele, Isadors historie og en kort historie som en troende ved navn Cedes havde skrevet i 78 år i Antiokia. Lukas havde også en lemlæstet og redigeret kopi af nogle noter hvori det påstås at apostlen Andreas havde skrevet.
1955 121:8.10 4. The Gospel of John. The Gospel according to John relates much of Jesus’ work in Judea and around Jerusalem which is not contained in the other records. This is the so-called Gospel according to John the son of Zebedee, and though John did not write it, he did inspire it. Since its first writing it has several times been edited to make it appear to have been written by John himself. When this record was made, John had the other Gospels, and he saw that much had been omitted; accordingly, in the year A.D. 101 he encouraged his associate, Nathan, a Greek Jew from Caesarea, to begin the writing. John supplied his material from memory and by reference to the three records already in existence. He had no written records of his own. The Epistle known as “First John” was written by John himself as a covering letter for the work which Nathan executed under his direction.
2015 121:8.10 4. Johannesevangeliet. Evangeliet ifølge Johannes beskriver meget om Jesus arbejde i Judæa og omkring Jerusalem, som ikke er indeholdt i de andre optegnelser. Dette er det såkaldte Johannesevangeliet. Han var søn af Zebedæus, og selvom John ikke har skrevet evangeliet, har han inspireret det. Efter at det første gang blev skrevet, er det flere gange blevet redigeret for at få til at se ud som om, John selv havde skrevet det. Da disse optegnelser blev nedskrevet havde Johannes de andre evangelier, og han så, at meget var blevet udeladt. Derfor opfordrede han i år 101 e.Kr. hans medarbejder, Nathan, en græsk jøde fra Kesarea, at begynde at skrive. John leverede sit materiale fra hukommelsen og ved at gøre brug af de tre optegnelser, der allerede eksisterede. Han havde ingen skriftlige noter. Den epistel som er kendt som "Johannes første brev," skrev Johannes selv som et følgebrev til det arbejde, som Nathan skrev under hans lederskab.
1955 121:8.11 All these writers presented honest pictures of Jesus as they saw, remembered, or had learned of him, and as their concepts of these distant events were affected by their subsequent espousal of Paul’s theology of Christianity. And these records, imperfect as they are, have been sufficient to change the course of the history of Urantia for almost two thousand years.
2015 121:8.11 Alle disse forfattere præsenterede ærlige skildringer af Jesus som de så ham, huskede ham, eller havde lært om ham, og som deres begreber om disse fjerne hændelser blev påvirket af deres efterfølgende opfattelse af Paulus kristendoms teologi. Selv om disse optegnelser er ufuldstændige, har de dog været tilstrækkelig til at ændre forløbet af historie om Urantia i næsten to tusind år.
1955 121:8.12 [Acknowledgment: In carrying out my commission to restate the teachings and retell the doings of Jesus of Nazareth, I have drawn freely upon all sources of record and planetary information. My ruling motive has been to prepare a record which will not only be enlightening to the generation of men now living, but which may also be helpful to all future generations. From the vast store of information made available to me, I have chosen that which is best suited to the accomplishment of this purpose. As far as possible I have derived my information from purely human sources. Only when such sources failed, have I resorted to those records which are superhuman. When ideas and concepts of Jesus’ life and teachings have been acceptably expressed by a human mind, I invariably gave preference to such apparently human thought patterns. Although I have sought to adjust the verbal expression the better to conform to our concept of the real meaning and the true import of the Master’s life and teachings, as far as possible, I have adhered to the actual human concept and thought pattern in all my narratives. I well know that those concepts which have had origin in the human mind will prove more acceptable and helpful to all other human minds. When unable to find the necessary concepts in the human records or in human expressions, I have next resorted to the memory resources of my own order of earth creatures, the midwayers. And when that secondary source of information proved inadequate, I have unhesitatingly resorted to the superplanetary sources of information.
2015 121:8.12 [Anerkendelse: Under udførelsen af min opgave til at gentage den lære Jesus af Nazaret fremførte, og til at genfortælle, hvad han gjorde, har jeg frit udnyttet alle optegningskilder samt planetariske oplysninger. Min ledende motiv har været at tilvejebringe en fremstilling, som ikke kun er oplysende for den generation af mennesker som nu lever, men som også kan være til gavn for alle fremtidige generationer. Fra den enorme mængde information som er blevet stillet til rådighed for mig, har jeg valgt det, der er bedst egnet til at nå dette formål. Så langt som det har været muligt, har jeg anvendt mine oplysninger fra rent menneskelige kilder. Først når sådanne kilder manglede, har jeg tyet til arkiverne, der er overmenneskelige. Når idéer og koncepter i Jesu liv og lære er blevet acceptabelt udtrykt af et menneskeligt sind, har jeg uden undtagelse foretrukket sådanne klare menneskelige tankemønstre. Selv om jeg har forsøgt at tilpasse den sproglige udtryksform til bedre at imødekomme vores opfattelse af den virkelige mening og sande betydning af Mesterens liv og lære, har jeg i alle mine fortællinger så vidt muligt holdt mig til det egentlige menneskelige begreb og tanke mønster. Jeg ved udmærket, at de begreber, der opstod i det menneskelige sind viser sig at være mere acceptabelt og hjælpsomme for alle andre menneskelige sind. Når jeg ikke har været i stand til at finde de nødvendige begreber i de menneskelige optegnelser eller udtalelser, så tyede jeg til hukommelse ressourcer som min egen klasse af jordens skabninger, mellemvæsenerne, er i besiddelse af. Når denne sekundære informationskilde viste sig utilstrækkelige, har jeg uden tøven tyet til de ovennævnte planetariske informationskilder.
1955 121:8.13 The memoranda which I have collected, and from which I have prepared this narrative of the life and teachings of Jesus—aside from the memory of the record of the Apostle Andrew—embrace thought gems and superior concepts of Jesus’ teachings assembled from more than two thousand human beings who have lived on earth from the days of Jesus down to the time of the inditing of these revelations, more correctly restatements. The revelatory permission has been utilized only when the human record and human concepts failed to supply an adequate thought pattern. My revelatory commission forbade me to resort to extrahuman sources of either information or expression until such a time as I could testify that I had failed in my efforts to find the required conceptual expression in purely human sources.
2015 121:8.13 De mindeoptegnelser, som jeg har samlet, og hvorfra jeg har forberedt denne fortælling om Jesu liv og lære omfatter - ud over den bevarede hukommelse materiale fra apostlen Andreas - tankeperler og højerestående begreber om Jesu lære samlet fra mere end to tusinde mennesker, der har levet på jorden fra Jesu tid, frem til tiden for udarbejdelsen af disse åbenbaringer, rettere sagt genfremstillinger. Åbenbaringstilladelsen har kun været udnyttet, når de menneskelige skrifter og begreber ikke kunne tilvejebringe et tilstrækkeligt tankemønster. Min åbenbarings kommission forbød mig at ty til ekstra-menneskelige information, så vel som udtryks kilder, før jeg kunne vidne om, at det ikke var lykkes mig i mine bestræbelser på at finde det begrebsmæssige udtryk i rent menneskelige kilder.
1955 121:8.14 While I, with the collaboration of my eleven associate fellow midwayers and under the supervision of the Melchizedek of record, have portrayed this narrative in accordance with my concept of its effective arrangement and in response to my choice of immediate expression, nevertheless, the majority of the ideas and even some of the effective expressions which I have thus utilized had their origin in the minds of the men of many races who have lived on earth during the intervening generations, right on down to those who are still alive at the time of this undertaking. In many ways I have served more as a collector and editor than as an original narrator. I have unhesitatingly appropriated those ideas and concepts, preferably human, which would enable me to create the most effective portraiture of Jesus’ life, and which would qualify me to restate his matchless teachings in the most strikingly helpful and universally uplifting phraseology. In behalf of the Brotherhood of the United Midwayers of Urantia, I most gratefully acknowledge our indebtedness to all sources of record and concept which have been hereinafter utilized in the further elaboration of our restatement of Jesus’ life on earth.]
2015 121:8.14 Selv om jeg, i samarbejde med mine elleve associerede mellemvæsen kolleger og under tilsyn af den ansvarlige Melkisedek for produktionen, har portrætteret denne beretning i overensstemmelse med min opfattelse om dens effektive disposition og som et udtryk for mit direkte ordvalg, er de fleste af de idéer og nogle af de mest effektive udtryksmåder, som jeg har brugt opstået blandt mennesker af mange folkeslag, der har levet i de mellemliggende generationer, helt op til dem, der stadig er i live på tidspunktet for dette projekt. På mange måder har jeg tjent mere som en samler og redaktør end som en original fortæller. Jeg har uden tøven anvendt disse idéer og koncepter, helst af menneskelig oprindelse, som ville gøre det muligt for mig at opnå den mest effektive beskrivelse af Jesu liv og som ville gøre mig egnet til at reproducere hans mageløse lære i den mest uimodståelig hjælpsomme og universelt opløftende sprogbrug. På vegne af broderskabet i Urantias Forende Mellemvæsener, vil jeg hermed udtrykke påskønnelse for vores store taknemmelighed til alle optegnings- og begrebsmæssige kilder som i det følgende er blevet anvendt i den videre udarbejdning med vores nye version af Jesu liv på jorden.]
| Kapitel 120. Mikaels Overdragelse På Urantia |
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Kapitel 122. Jesu Fødsel Og Spæde Barndom |