Ingliskeelne Urantia raamat on alates 2006. aastast kogu maailmas avalik.
Tõlked: © 2010 Urantia Sihtasutus
| Kiri 88. Fetišid, amuletid ja maagia |
Indeks
Üksikversioon |
Kiri 90. Šamanism — ravitsejad ja preestrid |
SIN, SACRIFICE, AND ATONEMENT
PATT, OHVERDAMINE JA LEPITUS
1955 89:0.1 PRIMITIVE man regarded himself as being in debt to the spirits, as standing in need of redemption. As the savages looked at it, in justice the spirits might have visited much more bad luck upon them. As time passed, this concept developed into the doctrine of sin and salvation. The soul was looked upon as coming into the world under forfeit—original sin. The soul must be ransomed; a scapegoat must be provided. The head-hunter, in addition to practicing the cult of skull worship, was able to provide a substitute for his own life, a scapeman.
2010 89:0.1 ÜRGINIMENE pidas end vaimude ees võlglaseks, kes vajab lunastust. Metslaste arvates oli vaimudel õigus neile isegi palju rohkem halba õnne tuua. Aja möödudes arenes see arusaam patu ja päästmise doktriiniks. Arvati, et inimene saabub siia maailma trahvituna — pärispatuga. Hing tuli lunastada ja selleks pidi leidma patuoina. Peakütt sai lisaks kolbakummardamiskultuse harrastamisele hankida oma elule asendaja ehk patuoina.
1955 89:0.2 The savage was early possessed with the notion that spirits derive supreme satisfaction from the sight of human misery, suffering, and humiliation. At first, man was only concerned with sins of commission, but later he became exercised over sins of omission. And the whole subsequent sacrificial system grew up around these two ideas. This new ritual had to do with the observance of the propitiation ceremonies of sacrifice. Primitive man believed that something special must be done to win the favor of the gods; only advanced civilization recognizes a consistently even-tempered and benevolent God. Propitiation was insurance against immediate ill luck rather than investment in future bliss. And the rituals of avoidance, exorcism, coercion, and propitiation all merge into one another.
2010 89:0.2 Metslasel tekkis juba varakult arvamus, et vaimudele pakub inimeste õnnetuste, kannatuste ja alanduste nägemine ülimat rahuldust. Algul valmistasid inimesele muret vaid tegelikult sooritatud patud, kuid hiljem hakkas teda vaevama ka millegi tegematajätmisest sugenev süütunne. Nende kahe idee ümber arenes välja kogu hilisem ohverdamissüsteem[1]. See uus rituaal oli seotud lepitamiseks ette nähtud ohverdamistseremooniatega. Ürginimene uskus, et jumalate soosingu võitmiseks tuleb teha midagi erilist; vaid arenenud tsivilisatsioon tunnistab Jumalat, kes on pidevalt ühesuguses tujus ja heasoovlik. Lepitamine oli pigem kindlustus otsese halva õnne vastu kui investeering tulevasse õndsusse. Ja kõik vältimise, väljaajamise, sundimise ning lepitamise rituaalid sulavad üksteisega kokku.
1. THE TABOO
1. TABU
1955 89:1.1 Observance of a taboo was man’s effort to dodge ill luck, to keep from offending the spirit ghosts by the avoidance of something. The taboos were at first nonreligious, but they early acquired ghost or spirit sanction, and when thus reinforced, they became lawmakers and institution builders. The taboo is the source of ceremonial standards and the ancestor of primitive self-control. It was the earliest form of societal regulation and for a long time the only one; it is still a basic unit of the social regulative structure.
2010 89:1.1 Tabu arvestades püüdis inimene põigelda kõrvale halva õnne eest, hoiduda millegi vältimisega tonte solvamast. Algul polnud tabud religioossed, kuid peagi hakati arvama, et need on tontide kehtestatud, ning selliselt võimendunud, said neist seaduste ja institutsioonide alustalad[2]. Tabu on tseremoonianormide allikas ja algelise enesekontrolli esiisa. See oli ühiskonna reguleerimise varaseim ja pikka aega ainus vorm ning on veel praegugi ühiskonna regulatiivse struktuuri põhiühik.
1955 89:1.2 The respect which these prohibitions commanded in the mind of the savage exactly equaled his fear of the powers who were supposed to enforce them. Taboos first arose because of chance experience with ill luck; later they were proposed by chiefs and shamans—fetish men who were thought to be directed by a spirit ghost, even by a god. The fear of spirit retribution is so great in the mind of a primitive that he sometimes dies of fright when he has violated a taboo, and this dramatic episode enormously strengthens the hold of the taboo on the minds of the survivors.
2010 89:1.2 Austus, mida need keelud metslase meeles tekitasid, oli täpselt vastavuses tema hirmuga jõudude ees, kes oletatavasti nende järgimist nõudsid[3]. Tabud tekkisid algul juhusliku halva õnne kogemisest, hiljem kehtestasid neid hõimujuhid ja šamaanid — inimesed-ebajumalad, kes arvati tegutsevat viirastusvaimu või isegi jumala käsul. Ürginimesel oli nii suur hirm vaimu karistuse ees, et tabu rikkudes võis ta mõnikord hirmust surra ning selline dramaatiline sündmus tugevdas tabu mõju ellujäänute meelele veelgi.
1955 89:1.3 Among the earliest prohibitions were restrictions on the appropriation of women and other property. As religion began to play a larger part in the evolution of the taboo, the article resting under ban was regarded as unclean, subsequently as unholy. The records of the Hebrews are full of the mention of things clean and unclean, holy and unholy, but their beliefs along these lines were far less cumbersome and extensive than were those of many other peoples.
2010 89:1.3 Varaseimate keeldude seas olid naiste ja muu vara omastamise piirangud. Kui tabu arengus hakkas olulisemat rolli mängima religioon, peeti kõike tabu all olevat roojaseks, hiljem patuseks. Heebrealaste ürikutes on kõikjal mainitud puhtaid ja roojaseid, pühasid ja patuseid asju, kuid nende sellekohased uskumused olid märksa avaramad ja vähempiiravad kui paljudel teistel rahvastel.
1955 89:1.4 The seven commandments of Dalamatia and Eden, as well as the ten injunctions of the Hebrews, were definite taboos, all expressed in the same negative form as were the most ancient prohibitions. But these newer codes were truly emancipating in that they took the place of thousands of pre-existent taboos. And more than this, these later commandments definitely promised something in return for obedience.
2010 89:1.4 Dalamatia ja Eedeni seitse käsku, samuti heebrealaste kümme käsku, olid kahtlemata tabud, sest neid esitati samas negatiivses vormis nagu enamikku vanaaja keelde[4]. Ent uuemad koodeksid olid tõeliselt vabastavad, sest vahetasid välja tuhanded varem eksisteerinud tabud. Veel enam, need hilisemad käsud lubasid kuulekuse eest kindlalt vastutasu.
1955 89:1.5 The early food taboos originated in fetishism and totemism. The swine was sacred to the Phoenicians, the cow to the Hindus. The Egyptian taboo on pork has been perpetuated by the Hebraic and Islamic faiths. A variant of the food taboo was the belief that a pregnant woman could think so much about a certain food that the child, when born, would be the echo of that food. Such viands would be taboo to the child.
2010 89:1.5 Varased toiduga seotud tabud pärinesid fetišismist ja totemismist. Foiniiklastel oli pühaks loomaks siga, hindudel aga lehm[5]. Egiptlaste sealiha söömise tabu on püsima jäänud ka heebrea usus ja islamis. Üks toidutabu teisendeid oli uskumus, et kui rase naine mõne toidu peale liiga palju mõtleb, siis võib see toit kajastuda sündivas lapses. Need toidud olid lapsele tabud.
1955 89:1.6 Methods of eating soon became taboo, and so originated ancient and modern table etiquette. Caste systems and social levels are vestigial remnants of olden prohibitions. The taboos were highly effective in organizing society, but they were terribly burdensome; the negative-ban system not only maintained useful and constructive regulations but also obsolete, outworn, and useless taboos.
2010 89:1.6 Varsti said tabudeks teatavad söömisviisid ja sellest tekkisid muistsed ning nüüdisaegsed lauakombed. Kastisüsteemid ja ühiskonnakihid on vanade keeldude jäänukid. Tabud aitasid väga tõhusalt ühiskonnaelu korraldada, kuid olid äärmiselt koormavad. Negatiivsete keeldude süsteem säilitas peale kasulike ja konstruktiivsete normide ka aegunud, iganenud ja kasutuid tabusid.
1955 89:1.7 There would, however, be no civilized society to sit in criticism upon primitive man except for these far-flung and multifarious taboos, and the taboo would never have endured but for the upholding sanctions of primitive religion. Many of the essential factors in man’s evolution have been highly expensive, have cost vast treasure in effort, sacrifice, and self-denial, but these achievements of self-control were the real rungs on which man climbed civilization’s ascending ladder.
2010 89:1.7 Ilma nende laiaulatuslike ja mitmekesiste tabudeta poleks aga tsiviilühiskonda praegu neid kritiseerimas. Need tabud said püsida vaid algelise usundi heakskiidu toel. Paljud inimarengu olulised tegurid on läinud väga kalliks maksma ning nõudnud tohutuid pingutusi, ohvreid ja enesesalgamist, ent need enesekontrollialased saavutused olid tõesti redelipulgad, mida mööda inimene tsivilisatsiooniredelil ülespoole tõusis.
2. THE CONCEPT OF SIN
2. PATU MÕISTE
1955 89:2.1 The fear of chance and the dread of bad luck literally drove man into the invention of primitive religion as supposed insurance against these calamities. From magic and ghosts, religion evolved through spirits and fetishes to taboos. Every primitive tribe had its tree of forbidden fruit, literally the apple but figuratively consisting of a thousand branches hanging heavy with all sorts of taboos. And the forbidden tree always said, “Thou shalt not.”
2010 89:2.1 Hirm juhuse ja halva õnne ees lausa sundis inimest leiutama algelist usundit kui arvatavat kindlustust õnnetuste vastu. Religioon arenes maagiast ja viirastustest vaimude ja ebajumalate kaudu tabudeni[6]. Igal ürghõimul oli oma keelatud vilja puu[7]. Tegelikult oli see õunapuu, kuid sümboolselt koosnes tuhandest oksast, mis vajusid kõikvõimalike tabude raskuse all vastu maad. Ja keelatud puu ütles alati: „Sina ei tohi.”
1955 89:2.2 As the savage mind evolved to that point where it envisaged both good and bad spirits, and when the taboo received the solemn sanction of evolving religion, the stage was all set for the appearance of the new conception of sin. The idea of sin was universally established in the world before revealed religion ever made its entry. It was only by the concept of sin that natural death became logical to the primitive mind. Sin was the transgression of taboo, and death was the penalty of sin.
2010 89:2.2 Kui metslase meel arenes nii heade kui ka halbade vaimude tunnistamiseni ning tabu sai arenevalt usundilt pühaliku heakskiidu, oli aeg küps uue, patu kontseptsiooni tekkimiseks. Patu mõiste oli kõikjal maailmas juurdunud juba enne ilmutatud religiooni teket. Alles patu mõiste muutis loomuliku surma ürgse meele jaoks loogiliseks[8]. Patt oli tabu rikkumine ja surm patu palk.
1955 89:2.3 Sin was ritual, not rational; an act, not a thought. And this entire concept of sin was fostered by the lingering traditions of Dilmun and the days of a little paradise on earth. The tradition of Adam and the Garden of Eden also lent substance to the dream of a onetime “golden age” of the dawn of the races. And all this confirmed the ideas later expressed in the belief that man had his origin in a special creation, that he started his career in perfection, and that transgression of the taboos—sin—brought him down to his later sorry plight.
2010 89:2.3 Patt oli rituaalne, mitte mõistuspärane nähtus; see oli tegu, mitte mõte. Seda arusaama patust edendasid Dilmuni ja väikese maapealse paradiisi aegadest püsima jäänud traditsioonid. Ka pärimus Aadamast ja Eedeni aiast andis ainet kujutlusele kunagisest rasside koidiku kuldajast. Kõik see kinnitas ideid, mis väljendusid hiljem uskumuses, et inimene on eriline loodu — et ta alustas oma elu täiuslikuna, kuid tabude rikkumine ehk patt tõi talle hiljem kaela selle kurva õnnetuse[9][10].
1955 89:2.4 The habitual violation of a taboo became a vice; primitive law made vice a crime; religion made it a sin. Among the early tribes the violation of a taboo was a combined crime and sin. Community calamity was always regarded as punishment for tribal sin. To those who believed that prosperity and righteousness went together, the apparent prosperity of the wicked occasioned so much worry that it was necessary to invent hells for the punishment of taboo violators; the numbers of these places of future punishment have varied from one to five.
2010 89:2.4 Tabu harjumuslikust rikkumisest sai pahe, ürgsed seadused muutsid pahe kuriteoks, religioon tegi sellest patu. Varased hõimud pidasid tabu rikkumist ühtaegu nii kuriteoks kui ka patuks. Ühist õnnetust võeti alati karistusena hõimu patu eest[11]. Neile, kes uskusid, et jõukus ja õiglus kuuluvad kokku, valmistas patuste jõukuse nägemine nii palju muret, et tabust üleastuja jaoks oli vaja välja mõelda põrgud; nende tulevaste karistuspaikade arv on ulatunud ühest viieni.
1955 89:2.5 The idea of confession and forgiveness early appeared in primitive religion. Men would ask forgiveness at a public meeting for sins they intended to commit the following week. Confession was merely a rite of remission, also a public notification of defilement, a ritual of crying “unclean, unclean!” Then followed all the ritualistic schemes of purification. All ancient peoples practiced these meaningless ceremonies. Many apparently hygienic customs of the early tribes were largely ceremonial.
2010 89:2.5 Algelises religioonis tekkisid varakult ka pihi ja andestuse mõiste. Inimesed palusid avalikel koosolekutel andestust pattude eest, mida kavatsesid järgmisel nädalal sooritada. Pihtimine oli vaid karistusest vabanemise riitus, samuti avalik rüvetusest teatamine, millega kaasnesid rituaalsed hüüded „Roojane, roojane!” ja millele järgnesid puhastumisrituaalid. Neid mõttetuid tseremooniaid korraldasid kõik vanaaja rahvad[12]. Paljud varajaste hõimude näilikud hügieenitavad olid suures osas vaid tseremooniad.
3. RENUNCIATION AND HUMILIATION
3. LOOBUMUS JA ALANDUS
1955 89:3.1 Renunciation came as the next step in religious evolution; fasting was a common practice. Soon it became the custom to forgo many forms of physical pleasure, especially of a sexual nature. The ritual of the fast was deeply rooted in many ancient religions and has been handed down to practically all modern theologic systems of thought.
2010 89:3.1 Järgmine samm usundite arengus oli loobumine; paast muutus üldlevinud kombeks[13]. Peagi sai tavaks loobuda paljudest füüsilistest, eriti seksuaalse iseloomuga naudingutest. Paastumisrituaal juurdus sügavalt paljudesse iidsetesse usunditesse ja on kandunud edasi peaaegu kõigisse nüüdisaegsetesse religioossetesse õpetustesse.
1955 89:3.2 Just about the time barbarian man was recovering from the wasteful practice of burning and burying property with the dead, just as the economic structure of the races was beginning to take shape, this new religious doctrine of renunciation appeared, and tens of thousands of earnest souls began to court poverty. Property was regarded as a spiritual handicap. These notions of the spiritual dangers of material possession were widespreadly entertained in the times of Philo and Paul, and they have markedly influenced European philosophy ever since.
2010 89:3.2 See uus religioosne loobumisõpetus, millega kümned tuhanded tõsimeelsed hinged tõmbasid endale kaela vaesuse, tekkis umbes samal ajal, kui barbar oli vabanemas pillavast tavast surnu vara põletada või hauda kaasa panna ning kujunes välja rasside majanduslik struktuur. Vara omamist peeti vaimselt koormavaks. Kujutlused ainelise vara ohtlikkusest vaimule olid Philoni ja Pauluse ajal laialt levinud ning on märgatavalt mõjutanud ka Euroopa hilisemat filosoofiat[14].
1955 89:3.3 Poverty was just a part of the ritual of the mortification of the flesh which, unfortunately, became incorporated into the writings and teachings of many religions, notably Christianity. Penance is the negative form of this ofttimes foolish ritual of renunciation. But all this taught the savage self-control, and that was a worth-while advancement in social evolution. Self-denial and self-control were two of the greatest social gains from early evolutionary religion. Self-control gave man a new philosophy of life; it taught him the art of augmenting life’s fraction by lowering the denominator of personal demands instead of always attempting to increase the numerator of selfish gratification.
2010 89:3.3 Vaesus oli vaid osa lihasuretamiskombestikust, mis lisati kahjuks paljude usundite, eriti ristiusu kirjutistesse ja õpetustesse. Selle sageli rumala loobumiskombe negatiivne vorm on patukahetsus[15]. Ent samas õpetas see metslasele enesekontrolli, tuues ühiskonna arengus kaasa olulise edasimineku. Enesesalgamine ja -kontroll olid varase areneva religiooni kaks kõige kasulikumat sotsiaalset aspekti. Enesekontroll andis inimesele uue elufilosoofia, mis õpetas talle, kuidas elu kui murdarvu suurendada isiklike nõudmiste kui nimetaja vähendamise teel, selle asemel et oma soovide iseka rahuldamisega püüda alati suurendada murru lugejat.
1955 89:3.4 These olden ideas of self-discipline embraced flogging and all sorts of physical torture. The priests of the mother cult were especially active in teaching the virtue of physical suffering, setting the example by submitting themselves to castration. The Hebrews, Hindus, and Buddhists were earnest devotees of this doctrine of physical humiliation.
2010 89:3.4 Need vanaaja ideed enese distsiplineerimisest hõlmasid piitsutamist ja igat liiki füüsilisi piinu. Emakultuseaegsed preestrid õpetasid eriti aktiivselt füüsiliste kannatuste väärtusi, lastes end teistele eeskujuks kastreerida. Heebrealased, hindud ja budistid pühendusid tõsimeelselt sellele füüsilise alanduse doktriinile.
1955 89:3.5 All through the olden times men sought in these ways for extra credits on the self-denial ledgers of their gods. It was once customary, when under some emotional stress, to make vows of self-denial and self-torture. In time these vows assumed the form of contracts with the gods and, in that sense, represented true evolutionary progress in that the gods were supposed to do something definite in return for this self-torture and mortification of the flesh. Vows were both negative and positive. Pledges of this harmful and extreme nature are best observed today among certain groups in India.
2010 89:3.5 Inimesed püüdsid sellise enesesalgamisega oma jumalatelt alati lisapunkte teenida. Emotsionaalse pinge seisundis tavatseti anda enesesalgamis-ja enesepiinamistõotusi. Ajapikku said neist jumalatega sõlmitavad lepingud ja seetõttu kujutasid nad endast tõelist edasiminekut, sest jumalad pidid enesepiinamise ja lihasuretamise eest midagi kindlat vastu andma. Tõotused olid nii negatiivsed kui ka positiivsed. Kahjulikke äärmuslikke tõotusi võib tänapäeval kõige enam täheldada mõnes India rahvarühmas.
1955 89:3.6 It was only natural that the cult of renunciation and humiliation should have paid attention to sexual gratification. The continence cult originated as a ritual among soldiers prior to engaging in battle; in later days it became the practice of “saints.” This cult tolerated marriage only as an evil lesser than fornication. Many of the world’s great religions have been adversely influenced by this ancient cult, but none more markedly than Christianity. The Apostle Paul was a devotee of this cult, and his personal views are reflected in the teachings which he fastened onto Christian theology: “It is good for a man not to touch a woman.” “I would that all men were even as I myself.” “I say, therefore, to the unmarried and widows, it is good for them to abide even as I.” Paul well knew that such teachings were not a part of Jesus’ gospel, and his acknowledgment of this is illustrated by his statement, “I speak this by permission and not by commandment.” But this cult led Paul to look down upon women. And the pity of it all is that his personal opinions have long influenced the teachings of a great world religion. If the advice of the tentmaker-teacher were to be literally and universally obeyed, then would the human race come to a sudden and inglorious end. Furthermore, the involvement of a religion with the ancient continence cult leads directly to a war against marriage and the home, society’s veritable foundation and the basic institution of human progress. And it is not to be wondered at that all such beliefs fostered the formation of celibate priesthoods in the many religions of various peoples.
2010 89:3.6 Oli täiesti loomulik, et loobumis-ja alanduskultus pööras tähelepanu seksuaalsele naudingule. Sõdurite seas kujunes rituaaliks lahingueelse sugulise karskuse kultus, mida hiljem harrastasid „pühamehed”. See kultus talus abielu vaid kui hooraelust väiksemat pahet ja on avaldanud kahjulikku mõju paljudele maailma suurtele usunditele, kõige märgatavamalt ristiusule[16]. Sellele oli pühendunud apostel Paulus ja tema isiklikud vaated kajastuvad ristiusus kinnistunud õpetustes: „On hea, kui mees ei puutuks naist.” „Ma tahaksin, et kõik inimesed oleksid nõnda nagu mina[17].” „Ent ma ütlen vallalistele ja leskedele: neile on hea, kui nad jäävad nõnda nagu minagi[18].” Paulus teadis hästi, et need õpetused ei kuulu Jeesuse evangeeliumisse ning ta tunnistas seda oma ütlusega: „Aga ma ei ütle seda mitte käsuna, vaid mööndusena[19].” Ent selle kultuse tõttu hakati naisi alamaks sooks pidama[20]. Eriti kahetsusväärne on see, et Pauluse isiklikud seisukohad on maailma suure usundi õpetusi nii kaua mõjutanud. Kui telgimeistrist õpetaja nõu oleks otseselt ja jäägitult kuulda võetud, oleks inimsugu tabanud äkiline ja hiilgusetu lõpp. Liiati viib religiooni sidumine muistse karskusekultusega otseselt sõjani abielu ja kodu — ühiskonna tõelise vundamendi ja inimarengu põhiinstitutsiooni — vastu. Pole sugugi ime, et kõik taolised uskumused edendasid erinevate rahvaste paljudes usundites tsölibaati pidava preesterkonna kujunemist.
1955 89:3.7 Someday man should learn how to enjoy liberty without license, nourishment without gluttony, and pleasure without debauchery. Self-control is a better human policy of behavior regulation than is extreme self-denial. Nor did Jesus ever teach these unreasonable views to his followers.
2010 89:3.7 Inimene peaks õppima rõõmu tundma vabadusest ilma liialdusteta, toidust ilma õgardlikkuseta ja naudingust ilma liiderlikkuseta. Enesekontroll sobib inimese käitumise piiramiseks paremini kui äärmuslik enesesalgamine. Jeesus ei õpetanud kunagi oma jüngritele selliseid arutuid seisukohti.
4. ORIGINS OF SACRIFICE
4. OHVERDAMISE LÄTTED
1955 89:4.1 Sacrifice as a part of religious devotions, like many other worshipful rituals, did not have a simple and single origin. The tendency to bow down before power and to prostrate oneself in worshipful adoration in the presence of mystery is foreshadowed in the fawning of the dog before its master. It is but one step from the impulse of worship to the act of sacrifice. Primitive man gauged the value of his sacrifice by the pain which he suffered. When the idea of sacrifice first attached itself to religious ceremonial, no offering was contemplated which was not productive of pain. The first sacrifices were such acts as plucking hair, cutting the flesh, mutilations, knocking out teeth, and cutting off fingers. As civilization advanced, these crude concepts of sacrifice were elevated to the level of the rituals of self-abnegation, asceticism, fasting, deprivation, and the later Christian doctrine of sanctification through sorrow, suffering, and the mortification of the flesh.
2010 89:4.1 Ohverdamine kui usulise pühendumuse ning paljude palveldamisrituaalide osa ei tekkinud lihtsalt ega ole ühest päritolu. Kalduvusest valitseja ees kummardada ja mõistetamatu ees palveldavas austuses silmili heita annab aimu koera lipitsemine oma peremehe ees. Palveldamistungist ohverdamiseni on vaid üks samm. Ürginimene mõõtis ohvri väärtust oma kannatuste ja valuga. Kui ohverdamine algselt usutavana kinnistus, kõlbasid vaid ohvrid, mis tekitasid valu. Esimesed ohvriannid olid näiteks juuste väljatõmbamine, lihahaavade tekitamine, sandistamine, hammaste väljalöömine ja sõrmede äralõikamine. Tsivilisatsiooni arenedes kujunesid need tahumatud ohverdused enesesalgamise, askeetlikkuse, paastumise, enese millestki ilmajätmise rituaalideks ja hilisemaks kristlikuks doktriiniks kurvastuse, kannatuste ja lihasuretamise kaudu patust puhastumisest.
1955 89:4.2 Early in the evolution of religion there existed two conceptions of the sacrifice: the idea of the gift sacrifice, which connoted the attitude of thanksgiving, and the debt sacrifice, which embraced the idea of redemption. Later there developed the notion of substitution.
2010 89:4.2 Juba religiooni varases arengustaadiumis tekkis ohverdamise kohta kaks arusaama: ohvriand kui tänuväljendus ja kui lunastuse ideed kätkev võlaohver. Hiljem tekkis arvamus, et tegeliku ohvri võib millegagi asendada.
1955 89:4.3 Man still later conceived that his sacrifice of whatever nature might function as a message bearer to the gods; it might be as a sweet savor in the nostrils of deity. This brought incense and other aesthetic features of sacrificial rituals which developed into sacrificial feasting, in time becoming increasingly elaborate and ornate.
2010 89:4.3 Veel hiljem hakkas inimene arvama, et iga tema ohver võib edastada jumalatele sõnumi ning et jumalus tunneb seda oma sõõrmetes magusa lõhnana[21]. See tõi ohverdamisrituaalidesse viirukiga suitsutamise ja muud esteetilised jooned, mis arenesid ohvripidustusteks ning muutusid aja jooksul üha keerukamateks ja uhkemateks.
1955 89:4.4 As religion evolved, the sacrificial rites of conciliation and propitiation replaced the older methods of avoidance, placation, and exorcism.
2010 89:4.4 Religiooni arenedes asendasid lepitusohvririitused vanemad kombed — vaimude vältimise, vaigistamise ja väljaajamise.
1955 89:4.5 The earliest idea of the sacrifice was that of a neutrality assessment levied by ancestral spirits; only later did the idea of atonement develop. As man got away from the notion of the evolutionary origin of the race, as the traditions of the days of the Planetary Prince and the sojourn of Adam filtered down through time, the concept of sin and of original sin became widespread, so that sacrifice for accidental and personal sin evolved into the doctrine of sacrifice for the atonement of racial sin. The atonement of the sacrifice was a blanket insurance device which covered even the resentment and jealousy of an unknown god.
2010 89:4.5 Varaseimad ohverdused seisnesid esivanemate vaimude veenmises, et nad ei sekkuks inimeste ellu, lunastamisidee kujunes välja hiljem. Kui inimene loobus inimkonna arengulise päritolu ideest — kui pärimused Planeedivürsti aegadest ja Aadama planeedilviibimisest ajastute hämarusest nendeni jõudsid —, levisid patu ja pärispatu käsitused nii laialdaselt, et ohverdamine juhusliku ja isikliku patu eest arenes doktriiniks ohverdamisest rassi patu lunastamiseks. Lunastusohver oli üldine tagatis, mis leevendas ka mõne tundmatu jumala pahameele ja kadeduse.
1955 89:4.6 Surrounded by so many sensitive spirits and grasping gods, primitive man was face to face with such a host of creditor deities that it required all the priests, ritual, and sacrifices throughout an entire lifetime to get him out of spiritual debt. The doctrine of original sin, or racial guilt, started every person out in serious debt to the spirit powers.
2010 89:4.6 Et ürginimest ümbritsesid loendamatud tundlikud vaimud ja ahned jumalad, seisis ta tegelikult silmitsi nii suure hulga jumalustega, kellele võlgu oli, et tal läks oma eluajal vaimse võla lunastamiseks vaja kõiki preestreid, rituaale ja ohvreid. Pärispatu ehk rassisüü doktriini tõttu olid igal inimesel juba sündides vaimujõudude ees tõsised võlad.
1955 89:4.7 Gifts and bribes are given to men; but when tendered to the gods, they are described as being dedicated, made sacred, or are called sacrifices. Renunciation was the negative form of propitiation; sacrifice became the positive form. The act of propitiation included praise, glorification, flattery, and even entertainment. And it is the remnants of these positive practices of the olden propitiation cult that constitute the modern forms of divine worship. Present-day forms of worship are simply the ritualization of these ancient sacrificial techniques of positive propitiation.
2010 89:4.7 Inimestele antakse kingitusi ja altkäemakse, ent kui neid pakutakse jumalatele, öeldakse, et need pühendatakse, annetatakse või ohverdatakse. Loobumine oli lepitamise negatiivne vorm, ohverdamisest sai selle positiivne vorm. Lepitamine hõlmas kiitmist, ülistamist, meelitamist ja isegi meelelahutamist. Nüüdisaegsed jumalate palveldamise vormid koosnevadki nende vanaaja lepitamiskultuse positiivsete toimingute jäänukitest. Need muistsed positiivsed lepitamisohverdused on praegustes palveldamisvormides lihtsalt ritualiseeritud.
1955 89:4.8 Animal sacrifice meant much more to primitive man than it could ever mean to modern races. These barbarians regarded the animals as their actual and near kin. As time passed, man became shrewd in his sacrificing, ceasing to offer up his work animals. At first he sacrificed the best of everything, including his domesticated animals.
2010 89:4.8 Loomohvril oli ürginimese jaoks palju suurem tähendus kui võiks olla nüüdisaegsetele rahvastele. Barbarid pidasid loomi oma tegelikeks ja lähedasteks sugulasteks. Aja möödudes muutus inimene ohverdades kavalamaks ja lakkas tööloomi loovutamast. Algul oli inimene ohverdanud kõigest, kaasa arvatud oma kodustatud loomadest, parima osa[22].
1955 89:4.9 It was no empty boast that a certain Egyptian ruler made when he stated that he had sacrificed: 113,433 slaves, 493,386 head of cattle, 88 boats, 2,756 golden images, 331,702 jars of honey and oil, 228,380 jars of wine, 680,714 geese, 6,744,428 loaves of bread, and 5,740,352 sacks of corn. And in order to do this he must needs have sorely taxed his toiling subjects.
2010 89:4.9 See polnud ühe Egiptuse valitseja tühi kiitlemine, kui ta ütles, et on ohverdanud 113 433 orja, 493 386 veist, 88 paati, 2756 kuldkuju, 331 702 kannu mett ja õli, 228 380 kannu veini, 680 714 hane, 6 744 428 leivapätsi ja 5 740 352 kotti münte. Kõigeks selleks pidi ta oma alamaid, kes tööd rügasid, rängalt maksustama.
1955 89:4.10 Sheer necessity eventually drove these semisavages to eat the material part of their sacrifices, the gods having enjoyed the soul thereof. And this custom found justification under the pretense of the ancient sacred meal, a communion service according to modern usage.
5. SACRIFICES AND CANNIBALISM
5. OHVERDAMINE JA INIMSÖÖMINE
1955 89:5.1 Modern ideas of early cannibalism are entirely wrong; it was a part of the mores of early society. While cannibalism is traditionally horrible to modern civilization, it was a part of the social and religious structure of primitive society. Group interests dictated the practice of cannibalism. It grew up through the urge of necessity and persisted because of the slavery of superstition and ignorance. It was a social, economic, religious, and military custom.
2010 89:5.1 Nüüdisaegne ettekujutus varasest inimsöömisest on täiesti väär, see kuulus algelise ühiskonna kombestikku. Kuigi nüüdisaegsele tsivilisatsioonile tundub inimsöömine traditsiooniliselt kohutav, moodustas see osa ürgühiskonna sotsiaalsest ja religioossest struktuurist. Inimsöömist dikteerisid rühmahuvid. See tekkis vajaduse sunnil ja püsis orjaliku ebausu ning teadmatuse tõttu. See oli ühiskondlik, majanduslik, religioosne ja sõjaline tava.
1955 89:5.2 Early man was a cannibal; he enjoyed human flesh, and therefore he offered it as a food gift to the spirits and his primitive gods. Since ghost spirits were merely modified men, and since food was man’s greatest need, then food must likewise be a spirit’s greatest need.
2010 89:5.2 Varane inimene oli inimsööja, ta tundis inimlihast rõõmu ja pakkus seda toiduannina ka vaimudele ning oma algelistele jumalatele. Kuna tondid olid lihtsalt teisenenud inimesed ja toit inimese peamine vajadus, pidi söök olema ka vaimu esmane vajadus.
1955 89:5.3 Cannibalism was once well-nigh universal among the evolving races. The Sangiks were all cannibalistic, but originally the Andonites were not, nor were the Nodites and Adamites; neither were the Andites until after they had become grossly admixed with the evolutionary races.
2010 89:5.3 Inimsöömine oli kunagi arenevate rasside seas peaaegu üldlevinud. Kõik sangikud olid inimsööjad, kuid andoniidid, samuti nodiidid ja adamiidid algselt mitte; ka andiidid hakkasid inimsööjateks alles pärast põhjalikku segunemist arenevate rassidega.
1955 89:5.4 The taste for human flesh grows. Having been started through hunger, friendship, revenge, or religious ritual, the eating of human flesh goes on to habitual cannibalism. Man-eating has arisen through food scarcity, though this has seldom been the underlying reason. The Eskimos and early Andonites, however, seldom were cannibalistic except in times of famine. The red men, especially in Central America, were cannibals. It was once a general practice for primitive mothers to kill and eat their own children in order to renew the strength lost in childbearing, and in Queensland the first child is still frequently thus killed and devoured. In recent times cannibalism has been deliberately resorted to by many African tribes as a war measure, a sort of frightfulness with which to terrorize their neighbors.
2010 89:5.4 Himu inimliha järele kasvas. Saanud alguse näljast, sõprusest, kättemaksust või usuriitusest, kujunes inimliha söömine harjumuseks. Inimsöömine on tekkinud toidunappusest, kuigi see on olnud harva peamine põhjus. Eskimod ja varased andoniidid harrastasid inimsöömist harva, välja arvatud nälja ajal. Punased inimesed olid inimsööjad, eriti Kesk-Ameerikas. Ürgajal oli üldlevinud tava, et emad tapsid oma lapsed ja sõid nad ära, et sünnitamisel kaotatud jõudu tagasi saada. Queenslandis tapetakse praegugi sageli esimene laps ning süüakse ära. Uuemal ajal on paljud Aafrika hõimud sihilikult kasutanud inimsöömist sõjapidamisvahendina, et selle koledusega oma naabreid terroriseerida.
1955 89:5.5 Some cannibalism resulted from the degeneration of once superior stocks, but it was mostly prevalent among the evolutionary races. Man-eating came on at a time when men experienced intense and bitter emotions regarding their enemies. Eating human flesh became part of a solemn ceremony of revenge; it was believed that an enemy’s ghost could, in this way, be destroyed or fused with that of the eater. It was once a widespread belief that wizards attained their powers by eating human flesh.
2010 89:5.5 Ka kunagiste arenenud tüvikondade mandudes esines mõnikord inimsöömist, kuid enamasti oli see valdavaks nähtuseks arenguliste rasside seas. Inimsöömine tekkis ajal, mil inimesed tundsid oma vaenlaste suhtes tugevaid ja kibedaid emotsioone. Inimliha söömine kuulus pühaliku kättemaksutseremoonia juurde, sest usuti, et nii saab vaenlase hinge hävitada või sööja omaga ühte sulatada. Kunagi oli üldlevinud arvamus, et nõiad ammutavad oma võluvõimu inimliha söömisest.
1955 89:5.6 Certain groups of man-eaters would consume only members of their own tribes, a pseudospiritual inbreeding which was supposed to accentuate tribal solidarity. But they also ate enemies for revenge with the idea of appropriating their strength. It was considered an honor to the soul of a friend or fellow tribesman if his body were eaten, while it was no more than just punishment to an enemy thus to devour him. The savage mind made no pretensions to being consistent.
2010 89:5.6 Mõned inimsööjate rühmad tarvitasid toiduks vaid oma hõimu liikmeid, see pseudovaimne sisearetus pidi rõhutama hõimu solidaarsust. Ent nad sõid kättemaksuna ka vaenlasi, et nende jõudu endale saada. Sõbra või hõimukaaslase keha söömist peeti tema hingele austavaks, vaenlase söömist loeti aga vaid karistuseks. Metslase meel ei püüdnud olla järjekindel.
1955 89:5.7 Among some tribes aged parents would seek to be eaten by their children; among others it was customary to refrain from eating near relations; their bodies were sold or exchanged for those of strangers. There was considerable commerce in women and children who had been fattened for slaughter. When disease or war failed to control population, the surplus was unceremoniously eaten.
2010 89:5.7 Mõnes hõimus soovisid elatanud vanemad, et nende lapsed nad ära sööksid; teistes oli tavaks hoiduda lähedaste sugulaste söömisest; nende kehad müüdi või vahetati võõraste vastu. Üsna palju kaubeldi naiste ja lastega, keda oli just tapmiseks nuumatud. Kui haigused või sõjad ei suutnud rahvaarvu piirata, söödi ülearused inimesed tseremoonitsemata ära.
1955 89:5.8 Cannibalism has been gradually disappearing because of the following influences:
2010 89:5.8 Inimsöömine kadus järk-järgult järgmistel põhjustel:
1955 89:5.9 1. It sometimes became a communal ceremony, the assumption of collective responsibility for inflicting the death penalty upon a fellow tribesman. The blood guilt ceases to be a crime when participated in by all, by society. The last of cannibalism in Asia was this eating of executed criminals.
2010 89:5.9 1. sellest sai mõnikord kogukondlik tseremoonia, kollektiivse vastutuse võtmine hõimukaaslasele surmanuhtluse määramise eest. Veresüü polnud enam kuritegu, kui selles osalesid kõik, kogu ühiskond. Aasias hõlmas inimsöömine lõpuks vaid hukatud kurjategijaid;
1955 89:5.10 2. It very early became a religious ritual, but the growth of ghost fear did not always operate to reduce man-eating.
2010 89:5.10 2. sellest sai varakult religioosne rituaal, ent tondihirmu kasv ei toonud alati kaasa inimsöömise vähenemist;
1955 89:5.11 3. Eventually it progressed to the point where only certain parts or organs of the body were eaten, those parts supposed to contain the soul or portions of the spirit. Blood drinking became common, and it was customary to mix the “edible” parts of the body with medicines.
2010 89:5.11 3. see arenes lõpuks nii kaugele, et söödi vaid mõningaid kehaosi või elundeid, milles arvati peituvat hing või osa vaimust. Levinud tavaks sai verejoomine ja „söödavaid” kehaosi tavatseti segada ravimitega;
1955 89:5.12 4. It became limited to men; women were forbidden to eat human flesh.
2010 89:5.12 4. see piirdus tasapisi meestega, naistel keelati inimliha süüa;
1955 89:5.13 5. It was next limited to the chiefs, priests, and shamans.
2010 89:5.13 5. edaspidi jäeti inimliha söömise õigus vaid pealikutele, preestritele ja šamaanidele;
1955 89:5.14 6. Then it became taboo among the higher tribes. The taboo on man-eating originated in Dalamatia and slowly spread over the world. The Nodites encouraged cremation as a means of combating cannibalism since it was once a common practice to dig up buried bodies and eat them.
2010 89:5.14 6. seejärel sai see arenenumates hõimudes tabuks. Inimsöömise tabu pärines Dalamatiast ja levis aegamööda üle kogu maailma. Inimsöömisega võitlemiseks propageerisid nodiidid surnukeha põletamist, sest kunagi oli levinud tavaks maetud laibad välja kaevata ja ära süüa;
1955 89:5.15 7. Human sacrifice sounded the death knell of cannibalism. Human flesh having become the food of superior men, the chiefs, it was eventually reserved for the still more superior spirits; and thus the offering of human sacrifices effectively put a stop to cannibalism, except among the lowest tribes. When human sacrifice was fully established, man-eating became taboo; human flesh was food only for the gods; man could eat only a small ceremonial bit, a sacrament.
2010 89:5.15 7. inimeste ohverdamine tähendas inimsöömise lõppu. Inimliha oli saanud ülikute ehk pealikute toiduks ja lõpuks jäi see vaid veel kõrgemate vaimude roaks; selliselt lõpetas inimohvrite toomine inimsöömise, välja arvatud kõige madalamatel arenguastmetel olevates hõimudes. Kui inimohvrite toomine täielikult juurdus, sai inimsöömisest tabu; inimliha oli vaid jumalate toit; inimene võis tseremoonia käigus süüa sellest vaid väikese tükikese, sakramendi.
1955 89:5.16 Finally animal substitutes came into general use for sacrificial purposes, and even among the more backward tribes dog-eating greatly reduced man-eating. The dog was the first domesticated animal and was held in high esteem both as such and as food.
2010 89:5.16 Lõpuks võeti inimeste ohverdamise asemel üldiselt kasutusele loomade ohverdamine ja ka kõige vähem arenenud hõimude seas vähenes inimsöömine koerte söömise arvel. Koer oli esimene kodustatud loom ja temast peeti väga lugu nii tema enda kui ka tema liha pärast.
6. EVOLUTION OF HUMAN SACRIFICE
6. INIMESE OHVERDAMISE ARENG
1955 89:6.1 Human sacrifice was an indirect result of cannibalism as well as its cure. Providing spirit escorts to the spirit world also led to the lessening of man-eating as it was never the custom to eat these death sacrifices. No race has been entirely free from the practice of human sacrifice in some form and at some time, even though the Andonites, Nodites, and Adamites were the least addicted to cannibalism.
2010 89:6.1 Inimese ohverdamine oli nii inimsöömise otsene tagajärg kui ka vahend sellest ülesaamiseks. Surnule vaimuilma kaaslase kaasa andmine vähendas samuti inimsöömist, sest matuseohvrite söömine ei ole kunagi tavaks olnud. Inimohvrite toomist on mingis vormis mingil ajal esinenud iga rassi ajaloos, kuigi andoniidid, nodiidid ja adamiidid pühendusid inimsöömisele kõige vähem.
1955 89:6.2 Human sacrifice has been virtually universal; it persisted in the religious customs of the Chinese, Hindus, Egyptians, Hebrews, Mesopotamians, Greeks, Romans, and many other peoples, even on to recent times among the backward African and Australian tribes. The later American Indians had a civilization emerging from cannibalism and, therefore, steeped in human sacrifice, especially in Central and South America. The Chaldeans were among the first to abandon the sacrificing of humans for ordinary occasions, substituting therefor animals. About two thousand years ago a tenderhearted Japanese emperor introduced clay images to take the place of human sacrifices, but it was less than a thousand years ago that these sacrifices died out in northern Europe. Among certain backward tribes, human sacrifice is still carried on by volunteers, a sort of religious or ritual suicide. A shaman once ordered the sacrifice of a much respected old man of a certain tribe. The people revolted; they refused to obey. Whereupon the old man had his own son dispatch him; the ancients really believed in this custom.
2010 89:6.2 Inimeste ohverdamine on olnud peaaegu üldlevinud; see püsis pikka aega hiinlaste, indialaste, egiptlaste, heebrealaste, mesopotaamlaste, kreeklaste, roomlaste ja paljude teiste rahvaste usukommetes, Aafrika ja Austraalia mahajäänud hõimude seas isegi üsna hiljuti[24]. Hilisemate indiaanlaste tsivilisatsioon arenes välja inimsöömisest ja nad läksid seetõttu üle inimeste ohverdamisele, eriti Kesk-ja Lõuna-Ameerikas. Kaldealased olid esimesi, kes loobusid inimohvrite toomisest, asendades need loomohvritega. Ligikaudu kaks tuhat aastat tagasi hakkas üks õrnatundeline Jaapani keiser inimohvrite asemel savikujusid kasutama, kuid Põhja-Euroopas hääbus inimeste ohverdamise komme alles vähem kui tuhat aastat tagasi. Mõnes vähem arenenud hõimus ohverdatakse ikka veel vabatahtlikke, see on teatud mõttes usuline või rituaalne enesetapp. Üks šamaan käskis kord ohverdada hõimus väga lugupeetud eaka mehe. Inimesed keeldusid kuuletumast ja hakkasid mässama, mispeale lasi too vana mees omaenda pojal ennast hukata, sest vanaaja inimesed tõepoolest uskusid säärasesse tavasse.
1955 89:6.3 There is no more tragic and pathetic experience on record, illustrative of the heart-tearing contentions between ancient and time-honored religious customs and the contrary demands of advancing civilization, than the Hebrew narrative of Jephthah and his only daughter. As was common custom, this well-meaning man had made a foolish vow, had bargained with the “god of battles,” agreeing to pay a certain price for victory over his enemies. And this price was to make a sacrifice of that which first came out of his house to meet him when he returned to his home. Jephthah thought that one of his trusty slaves would thus be on hand to greet him, but it turned out that his daughter and only child came out to welcome him home. And so, even at that late date and among a supposedly civilized people, this beautiful maiden, after two months to mourn her fate, was actually offered as a human sacrifice by her father, and with the approval of his fellow tribesmen. And all this was done in the face of Moses’ stringent rulings against the offering of human sacrifice. But men and women are addicted to making foolish and needless vows, and the men of old held all such pledges to be highly sacred.
2010 89:6.3 Ürikutesse pole talletatud traagilisemaid ja kahetsusväärsemaid kogemusi kui need, mis räägivad südantlõhestavatest tülidest iidsete ja põliste usutavade ning areneva tsivilisatsiooni vastupidiste nõudmiste vahel, traagilisim neist on heebrea lugu Jeftast ja tema ainsast tütrest[25]. Levinud tava järgi oli ka see heade kavatsustega mees andnud rumala tõotuse, kaubelnud „sõja jumalaga” ja kohustunud maksma oma vaenlaste võitmise eest teatavat hinda[26]. Selleks hinnaks oli lubadus ohverdada esimene inimene, kes talle tema majast vastu astub, kui ta koju tagasi pöördub. Jefta arvas, et teda tuleb tervitama mõni ustav ori, kuid selgus, et see oli hoopis tema ainus laps, ta tütar. Nii tõigi isa isegi sel hilisel ajastul, elades oletatavasti tsiviliseeritud rahva seas, hõimukaaslaste heakskiidul selle kauni neiu inimohvriks, kui oli andnud talle kaks kuud aega oma saatuse üle kurvastamiseks. Ja kõike seda tehti vaatamata sellele, et Mooses oli inimeste ohverdamise karmilt keelanud. Ent mehed ja naised ei saa kuidagi lahti kombest anda rumalaid ja tarbetuid tõotusi ning vanaaja inimesed pidasid kõiki taolisi tõotusi eriti pühaks.
1955 89:6.4 In olden times, when a new building of any importance was started, it was customary to slay a human being as a “foundation sacrifice.” This provided a ghost spirit to watch over and protect the structure. When the Chinese made ready to cast a bell, custom decreed the sacrifice of at least one maiden for the purpose of improving the tone of the bell; the girl chosen was thrown alive into the molten metal.
2010 89:6.4 Kui vanal ajal alustati mõne vähegi tähtsama hoone ehitamist, oli tavaks tappa mõni inimene vundamendiohvriks[27]. Temast sai tont, kes pidi ehitist valvama ja kaitsma. Kui hiinlased valmistusid kella valama, käskis tava ohverdada kella heli parandamiseks vähemalt ühe neiu, valitud tütarlaps heideti elusalt sulametalli.
1955 89:6.5 It was long the practice of many groups to build slaves alive into important walls. In later times the northern European tribes substituted the walling in of the shadow of a passerby for this custom of entombing living persons in the walls of new buildings. The Chinese buried in a wall those workmen who died while constructing it.
2010 89:6.5 Paljudel inimkooslustel oli pikka aega tavaks müürida elusaid orje tähtsatesse müüridesse. Põhja-Euroopa hõimud asendasid selle elavate müürimise mööduja varju sissemüürimisega. Hiinlased matsid müürisse ehitajad, kes müüri ehitamise ajal olid surnud.
1955 89:6.6 A petty king in Palestine, in building the walls of Jericho, “laid the foundation thereof in Abiram, his first-born, and set up the gates thereof in his youngest son, Segub.” At that late date, not only did this father put two of his sons alive in the foundation holes of the city’s gates, but his action is also recorded as being “according to the word of the Lord.” Moses had forbidden these foundation sacrifices, but the Israelites reverted to them soon after his death. The twentieth-century ceremony of depositing trinkets and keepsakes in the cornerstone of a new building is reminiscent of the primitive foundation sacrifices.
2010 89:6.6 Üks Palestiina väikekuningas rajas Jeeriko müüride alused „Abirami, oma esmasündinu hinnaga ja pani sellele väravad ette Seguubi, oma noorima poja hinnaga”[28]. Vähe sellest, et isa mattis oma kaks poega elusalt linnaväravate vundamendiaukudesse, ta tegi seda ürikute väitel „Issanda sõna kohaselt”[29]. Mooses oli taolised vundamendiohvrid ära keelanud, kuid iisraellased pöördusid varsti pärast tema surma nende juurde tagasi. Kahekümnenda sajandi tseremoonia, mille käigus pannakse uue hoone nurgakivi alla nipsasju ja mälestusesemeid, meenutab neid ürgseid vundamendiohvreid.
1955 89:6.7 It was long the custom of many peoples to dedicate the first fruits to the spirits. And these observances, now more or less symbolic, are all survivals of the early ceremonies involving human sacrifice. The idea of offering the first-born as a sacrifice was widespread among the ancients, especially among the Phoenicians, who were the last to give it up. It used to be said upon sacrificing, “life for life.” Now you say at death, “dust to dust.”
2010 89:6.7 Paljudel rahvastel oli pikka aega tavaks pühendada esimesed viljad vaimudele. Kõik praegused enam-vähem sümboolsed tavad pärinevad neist varajastest tseremooniatest, millega kaasnes inimeste ohverdamine. Esmasündinu ohverdamine oli vanaaja inimeste seas laialt levinud, eriti foiniiklaste seas, kes sellest ka viimasena loobusid. Ohverdamise ajal tavatseti öelda: „Elu elu eest[30].” Praegu ütlete te matusel: „Põrmust oled sa võetud ja põrmuks pead sa saama[31].”
1955 89:6.8 The spectacle of Abraham constrained to sacrifice his son Isaac, while shocking to civilized susceptibilities, was not a new or strange idea to the men of those days. It was long a prevalent practice for fathers, at times of great emotional stress, to sacrifice their first-born sons. Many peoples have a tradition analogous to this story, for there once existed a world-wide and profound belief that it was necessary to offer a human sacrifice when anything extraordinary or unusual happened.
2010 89:6.8 Pilt Aabrahamist, kes oli sunnitud ohverdama oma poja Iisaku, on õrnatundelisele tsiviliseeritud inimesele šokeeriv, kuid tol ajal ei tundunud see mõte ei uus ega võõrastav[32]. Kaua püsis tava, et isad ohverdavad suure emotsionaalse stressi aegadel oma esmasündinud poja. Paljudel rahvastel on selle looga analoogilisi pärimusi, sest kõikjal maailmas valitses kunagi sügav usk, et erakordsetel või ebatavalistel juhtudel on vaja tuua inimohvreid.
7. MODIFICATIONS OF HUMAN SACRIFICE
7. INIMOHVRITE ERIVORMID
1955 89:7.1 Moses attempted to end human sacrifices by inaugurating the ransom as a substitute. He established a systematic schedule which enabled his people to escape the worst results of their rash and foolish vows. Lands, properties, and children could be redeemed according to the established fees, which were payable to the priests. Those groups which ceased to sacrifice their first-born soon possessed great advantages over less advanced neighbors who continued these atrocious acts. Many such backward tribes were not only greatly weakened by this loss of sons, but even the succession of leadership was often broken.
2010 89:7.1 Mooses püüdis inimeste ohverdamisele lõpu teha ja asendada see lunaraha tasumisega[33]. Ta kehtestas terve süsteemi, mis võimaldas tema rahval pääseda mõtlematute ning rumalate tõotuste halvimatest tagajärgedest[34]. Maa, varad ja lapsed sai välja osta preestritele makstava tasu eest. Rahvarühmad, mis lakkasid esmasündinuid ohverdamast, omandasid peagi suuri eeliseid vähem arenenud naabrite ees, kes neid koledaid tegusid jätkasid. Niisugune poegade kaotus nõrgestas paljusid vähem arenenud hõime ja katkestas sageli ka juhtide õigusjärgluse[35].
1955 89:7.2 An outgrowth of the passing child sacrifice was the custom of smearing blood on the house doorposts for the protection of the first-born. This was often done in connection with one of the sacred feasts of the year, and this ceremony once obtained over most of the world from Mexico to Egypt.
1955 89:7.3 Even after most groups had ceased the ritual killing of children, it was the custom to put an infant away by itself, off in the wilderness or in a little boat on the water. If the child survived, it was thought that the gods had intervened to preserve him, as in the traditions of Sargon, Moses, Cyrus, and Romulus. Then came the practice of dedicating the first-born sons as sacred or sacrificial, allowing them to grow up and then exiling them in lieu of death; this was the origin of colonization. The Romans adhered to this custom in their scheme of colonization.
2010 89:7.3 Ka pärast seda, kui enamik rahvarühmi oli laste rituaalsest tapmisest loobunud, tavatseti jätta lapsi saatuse hooleks metsa või väikese paadiga vette. Kui laps jäi ellu, arvati, et jumalad on ta päästnud, nagu räägitakse pärimustes Sargonist, Moosesest, Kyrosest ja Romulusest[37]. Hiljem sai tavaks esmasündinud poegi pühitseda või ohverdada, lastes neil suureks kasvada, et nad seejärel tapmise asemel kodust pagendada; see pani aluse koloniseerimisele. Roomlaste koloniseerimispoliitika tugines just sellele tavale.
1955 89:7.4 Many of the peculiar associations of sex laxity with primitive worship had their origin in connection with human sacrifice. In olden times, if a woman met head-hunters, she could redeem her life by sexual surrender. Later, a maiden consecrated to the gods as a sacrifice might elect to redeem her life by dedicating her body for life to the sacred sex service of the temple; in this way she could earn her redemption money. The ancients regarded it as highly elevating to have sex relations with a woman thus engaged in ransoming her life. It was a religious ceremony to consort with these sacred maidens, and in addition, this whole ritual afforded an acceptable excuse for commonplace sexual gratification. This was a subtle species of self-deception which both the maidens and their consorts delighted to practice upon themselves. The mores always drag behind in the evolutionary advance of civilization, thus providing sanction for the earlier and more savagelike sex practices of the evolving races.
2010 89:7.4 Seksuaalse kombelõtvuse iseäralik seostamine algelise jumalateenistusega sai suures osas alguse inimeste ohverdamisest. Kui naine sattus vanal ajal kokku peaküttidega, lunastas ta oma elu seksuaalse alistumise teel. Hiljem võis jumalatele ohverdatud neitsi enese elu päästa, loovutades oma keha pühale seksuaalsele templiteenistusele, et sel moel lunaraha teenida. Vanaaja inimesed pidasid seksuaalsuhet oma elu lunastamisega tegeleva naisega väga ülendavaks. Nende pühade neidudega läbikäimine oli usutseremoonia, mis andis harilikule enese seksuaalsele rahuldamisele aktsepteeritava õigustuse. Nii neiud kui ka nende partnerid tegelesid peene enesepettusega. Kombed jäävad tsivilisatsiooni arenedes alati ajast maha, kiites heaks arenguliste rasside varased metsikud suguelukombed.
1955 89:7.5 Temple harlotry eventually spread throughout southern Europe and Asia. The money earned by the temple prostitutes was held sacred among all peoples—a high gift to present to the gods. The highest types of women thronged the temple sex marts and devoted their earnings to all kinds of sacred services and works of public good. Many of the better classes of women collected their dowries by temporary sex service in the temples, and most men preferred to have such women for wives.
2010 89:7.5 Templiprostitutsioon levis lõpuks üle kogu Lõuna-Euroopa ja Aasia. Templiprostituutide teenitud raha peeti kõigi rahvaste seas pühaks — kalliks kingiks jumalatele. Templi seksiäris osales isegi ülemast seisusest naisi, kes annetasid teenitud tulu igat liiki pühadeks teenistusteks ja heategevuseks. Paljud kõrgest soost naised kogusid endale kaasavara, osutades ajutiselt templis seksuaalteenuseid, ja enamik mehi eelistas abielluda just niisuguse naisega.
8. REDEMPTION AND COVENANTS
8. LUNASTUS JA LEPINGUD
1955 89:8.1 Sacrificial redemption and temple prostitution were in reality modifications of human sacrifice. Next came the mock sacrifice of daughters. This ceremony consisted in bloodletting, with dedication to lifelong virginity, and was a moral reaction to the older temple harlotry. In more recent times virgins dedicated themselves to the service of tending the sacred temple fires.
2010 89:8.1 Ohvrite lunastamine ja templiprostitutsioon olid tegelikult inimohvrite teisendid. Järgmisena hakati imiteerima tütarde ohverdamist. See tseremoonia seisnes verelaskmises, millega tütar pühendati eluaegsele neitsilikkusele, ning oli moraalseks reaktsiooniks varasemale templiprostitutsioonile. Uuemal ajal pühendasid neitsid end templi pühade tulede valvamise teenistusele.
1955 89:8.2 Men eventually conceived the idea that the offering of some part of the body could take the place of the older and complete human sacrifice. Physical mutilation was also considered to be an acceptable substitute. Hair, nails, blood, and even fingers and toes were sacrificed. The later and well-nigh universal ancient rite of circumcision was an outgrowth of the cult of partial sacrifice; it was purely sacrificial, no thought of hygiene being attached thereto. Men were circumcised; women had their ears pierced.
2010 89:8.2 Lõpuks tuldi mõttele ohverdada kogu inimese asemel mingi kehaosa. Vastuvõetavaks aseaineks peeti ka füüsilist sandistamist. Ohverdati juukseid, küüsi, verd ja isegi sõrmi ning varbaid. Hilisem ja peaaegu üldlevinud iidne ümberlõikamisriitus kasvaski välja sellest osalise ohverdamise kultusest; seda tehti puhtalt ohverdamise eesmärgil, hügieeni ei pidanud keegi silmas[38]. Mehed lõigati ümber, naistele tehti kõrvadesse augud.
1955 89:8.3 Subsequently it became the custom to bind fingers together instead of cutting them off. Shaving the head and cutting the hair were likewise forms of religious devotion. The making of eunuchs was at first a modification of the idea of human sacrifice. Nose and lip piercing is still practiced in Africa, and tattooing is an artistic evolution of the earlier crude scarring of the body.
2010 89:8.3 Hiljem sai tavaks sõrmed kokku siduda, selle asemel et need küljest lõigata. Pea raseerimine ja juuste lõikus olid samuti religioosse pühendumuse väljendused. Eunuhhiks muutmine oli algul üks inimohverduse vorme. Nina ja huule augustamist harrastatakse Aafrikas praegugi ja tätoveerimine on varasema toore armistamise kunstipärane edasiarendus.
1955 89:8.4 The custom of sacrifice eventually became associated, as a result of advancing teachings, with the idea of the covenant. At last, the gods were conceived of as entering into real agreements with man; and this was a major step in the stabilization of religion. Law, a covenant, takes the place of luck, fear, and superstition.
1955 89:8.5 Man could never even dream of entering into a contract with Deity until his concept of God had advanced to the level whereon the universe controllers were envisioned as dependable. And man’s early idea of God was so anthropomorphic that he was unable to conceive of a dependable Deity until he himself became relatively dependable, moral, and ethical.
2010 89:8.5 Inimene ei osanud isegi unistada lepingust Jumalusega, kuni tema ettekujutus Jumalast polnud jõudnud tasemele, kus universumi juhtijatele võis tema arvates kindel olla. Ja inimese varane mõte Jumalast oli nii inimlik, et ta suutis usaldusväärset Jumalust endale ette kujutada alles siis, kui muutus ise suhteliselt usaldusväärseks, kõlbeliseks ja eetiliseks.
1955 89:8.6 But the idea of making a covenant with the gods did finally arrive. Evolutionary man eventually acquired such moral dignity that he dared to bargain with his gods. And so the business of offering sacrifices gradually developed into the game of man’s philosophic bargaining with God. And all this represented a new device for insuring against bad luck or, rather, an enhanced technique for the more definite purchase of prosperity. Do not entertain the mistaken idea that these early sacrifices were a free gift to the gods, a spontaneous offering of gratitude or thanksgiving; they were not expressions of true worship.
2010 89:8.6 Ent mõte jumalatega leping sõlmida tekkis viimaks siiski. Arenev inimene omandas lõpuks niisuguse kõlbelise väärikuse, et julges oma jumalatega tingima hakata. Nii arenes ohverdamine järk-järgult filosoofiliseks mänguks, milles inimene tingis Jumalaga. See oli uus meetod kindlustada end halva õnne vastu ehk pigem täiuslikum viis endale kindlamat jõukust osta. Ärge arvake ekslikult, et need varased ohvrid olid tasuta kingitused või spontaanne tänuavaldus jumalatele; need ei olnud tõelise jumalataju väljendused.
1955 89:8.7 Primitive forms of prayer were nothing more nor less than bargaining with the spirits, an argument with the gods. It was a kind of bartering in which pleading and persuasion were substituted for something more tangible and costly. The developing commerce of the races had inculcated the spirit of trade and had developed the shrewdness of barter; and now these traits began to appear in man’s worship methods. And as some men were better traders than others, so some were regarded as better prayers than others. The prayer of a just man was held in high esteem. A just man was one who had paid all accounts to the spirits, had fully discharged every ritual obligation to the gods.
2010 89:8.7 Palvuse algelised vormid ei olnud midagi muud kui vaimudega tingimine ja jumalatega vaidlemine. See oli vahetustehing, milles palumine ja veenmine asendati millegi käegakatsutavama ja hinnalisemaga. Arenev kaubandus oli toonud endaga kaasa kauplemisjulguse ja arendanud kaubavahetuseks vajalikku kavalust ning nüüd hakkasid need avalduma inimese palveldamisviisides. Kuna mõni inimene oli parem kaupmees kui teised, peeti ka mõnda palvet teistest paremaks. Õiglase inimese palvet hinnati kõrgelt[40]. Õiglane oli inimene, kes oli kõik arved vaimudele tasunud, täitnud täielikult kõik rituaalsed kohustused jumalate ees.
1955 89:8.8 Early prayer was hardly worship; it was a bargaining petition for health, wealth, and life. And in many respects prayers have not much changed with the passing of the ages. They are still read out of books, recited formally, and written out for emplacement on wheels and for hanging on trees, where the blowing of the winds will save man the trouble of expending his own breath.
2010 89:8.8 Varast palvust võib vaevalt palveldamiseks pidada; see oli tingimine tervise, rikkuse ja elu nimel. Aegade möödudes on palved mitmes mõttes üsna samasuguseks jäänud. Neid loetakse ikka veel raamatutest, esitatakse formaalselt ja kirjutatakse ratastele paigutamiseks ning puude otsa riputamiseks, et puhuv tuul aitaks inimesel hingeõhku kokku hoida.
9. SACRIFICES AND SACRAMENTS
9. OHVRID JA SAKRAMENDID
1955 89:9.1 The human sacrifice, throughout the course of the evolution of Urantian rituals, has advanced from the bloody business of man-eating to higher and more symbolic levels. The early rituals of sacrifice bred the later ceremonies of sacrament. In more recent times the priest alone would partake of a bit of the cannibalistic sacrifice or a drop of human blood, and then all would partake of the animal substitute. These early ideas of ransom, redemption, and covenants have evolved into the later-day sacramental services. And all this ceremonial evolution has exerted a mighty socializing influence.
2010 89:9.1 Inimese ohverdamine on jõudnud Urantia tavade arenedes verisest inimsöömisest kõrgemate ja sümboolsemate tasanditeni. Varajastest ohverdamisrituaalidest sündisid pärastised sakramenditseremooniad. Hilisematel aegadel võttis vaid preester tükikese inimohvrist või piisa inimverd, kõik teised said aga osa seda asendavast loomast. Need varased ideed lunastusest, väljaostmisest ja lepingutest on arenenud hilisema aja sakramenditeenistusteks. Kogu tseremooniate areng on avaldanud tugevat ühiskonnastavat mõju.
1955 89:9.2 In connection with the Mother of God cult, in Mexico and elsewhere, a sacrament of cakes and wine was eventually utilized in lieu of the flesh and blood of the older human sacrifices. The Hebrews long practiced this ritual as a part of their Passover ceremonies, and it was from this ceremonial that the later Christian version of the sacrament took its origin.
2010 89:9.2 Seoses Jumalaema kultusega hakati Mehhikos ja mujal vanemate inimohvrite liha ning vere asemel lõpuks kooke ja veini kasutama. Heebrealastel kuulus see rituaal pikka aega paasapühakommete juurde ning sakramendi hilisem, kristlik variant pärineb just sellest tseremooniast.
1955 89:9.3 The ancient social brotherhoods were based on the rite of blood drinking; the early Jewish fraternity was a sacrificial blood affair. Paul started out to build a new Christian cult on “the blood of the everlasting covenant.” And while he may have unnecessarily encumbered Christianity with teachings about blood and sacrifice, he did once and for all make an end of the doctrines of redemption through human or animal sacrifices. His theologic compromises indicate that even revelation must submit to the graduated control of evolution. According to Paul, Christ became the last and all-sufficient human sacrifice; the divine Judge is now fully and forever satisfied.
2010 89:9.3 Iidne sotsiaalne vendlus põhines verejoomise riitusel, varane juudi vennaskond ohverdas verd. Paulus rajas uue kristliku kultuse „igavese lepingu vere peale”[41]. Võibolla koormas ta ristiusku asjatult õpetustega verest ja ohvritest, kuid ta tegi ometi kord lõpu doktriinidele lunastuse saavutamisest inim- või loomohvritega. Tema teoloogilised kompromissid näitavad, et isegi ilmutus peab alluma järkjärgulisele evolutsioonile. Pauluse järgi sai Kristusest viimane inimohver, kellest piisab igavesti: jumalik Kohtunik on nüüd ja alati täielikult rahul[42].
1955 89:9.4 And so, after long ages the cult of the sacrifice has evolved into the cult of the sacrament. Thus are the sacraments of modern religions the legitimate successors of those shocking early ceremonies of human sacrifice and the still earlier cannibalistic rituals. Many still depend upon blood for salvation, but it has at least become figurative, symbolic, and mystic.
2010 89:9.4 Nii on ohverdamiskultusest pikki ajastuid kestnud arengu käigus saanud sakramendikultus[43]. Seega on nüüdisaegsed religioossed sakramendid igas mõttes nende varajaste šokeerivate inimohverdamistseremooniate ja veel varasemate inimsöömisrituaalide järeltulijad. Paljudes sakramentides peetakse pääsemise pandiks ikka veel verd, kuid üksnes kujundlikus, sümboolses ja müstilises tähenduses.
10. FORGIVENESS OF SIN
10. PATU ANDEKSANDMINE
1955 89:10.1 Ancient man only attained consciousness of favor with God through sacrifice. Modern man must develop new techniques of achieving the self-consciousness of salvation. The consciousness of sin persists in the mortal mind, but the thought patterns of salvation therefrom have become outworn and antiquated. The reality of the spiritual need persists, but intellectual progress has destroyed the olden ways of securing peace and consolation for mind and soul.
2010 89:10.1 Vanaaja inimene teadis, et ta on Jumala soosingus, tänu ohverdamisele. Nüüdisaegne inimene peab arendama välja uued viisid lunastuse teadvustamiseks. Teadlikkus patust püsib surelikus meeles, kuid mõttemustrid, mis on seotud sellest pääsemisega, on kulunud ja aegunud. Vaimne igatsus püsib, kuid intellektuaalne areng on hävitanud vanad teed hinge- ja meelerahu ning lohutuse leidmiseks.
1955 89:10.2 Sin must be redefined as deliberate disloyalty to Deity. There are degrees of disloyalty: the partial loyalty of indecision; the divided loyalty of confliction; the dying loyalty of indifference; and the death of loyalty exhibited in devotion to godless ideals.
2010 89:10.2 Patt tuleb ümber defineerida tahtlikuks truudusetuseks Jumaluse suhtes. Truudusetust võib esineda erineval määral: otsustamatuse osaline truudusetus, vastuolude vahel jagatud ustavus, ükskõiksuse hääbuv ustavus ja ustavuse surm, mis ilmneb pühendumises jumalata ideaalidele.
1955 89:10.3 The sense or feeling of guilt is the consciousness of the violation of the mores; it is not necessarily sin. There is no real sin in the absence of conscious disloyalty to Deity.
2010 89:10.3 Süütunne on teadlikkus tavade rikkumisest, see ei tarvitse olla patt. Kui puudub teadlik truudusetus Jumaluse suhtes, pole tõelist pattu.
1955 89:10.4 The possibility of the recognition of the sense of guilt is a badge of transcendent distinction for mankind. It does not mark man as mean but rather sets him apart as a creature of potential greatness and ever-ascending glory. Such a sense of unworthiness is the initial stimulus that should lead quickly and surely to those faith conquests which translate the mortal mind to the superb levels of moral nobility, cosmic insight, and spiritual living; thus are all the meanings of human existence changed from the temporal to the eternal, and all values are elevated from the human to the divine.
2010 89:10.4 Võimalus süütunnet kogeda on märgiks inimkonna transtsendentsest väärtusest. See ei märgista inimest kui madalat olevust, vaid pigem eristab teda kui potentsiaalselt suurt ja üha õilsamat loodud-olendit. See väärtusetusetunne on algtõuge, mis peaks viima kiiresti ja kindlalt nende usuliste võitudeni, mis tõstavad sureliku meele moraalse ülluse, kosmilise taipamise ja vaimse elu kõrgetele tasanditele; nii muutuvad kõik inimeksistentsi tähendused ajalikust igavikuliseks ja kõik väärtused ülenduvad inimlikust jumalikuks.
1955 89:10.5 The confession of sin is a manful repudiation of disloyalty, but it in no wise mitigates the time-space consequences of such disloyalty. But confession—sincere recognition of the nature of sin—is essential to religious growth and spiritual progress.
2010 89:10.5 Patu pihtimine on mehine lahtiütlemine truudusetusest, kuid ei leevenda mingil viisil truudusetuse tagajärgi ajas ja ruumis. Ent pihtimine — patu olemuse siiras tunnistamine — on oluline usuliseks kasvuks ja vaimseks progressiks.
1955 89:10.6 The forgiveness of sin by Deity is the renewal of loyalty relations following a period of the human consciousness of the lapse of such relations as the consequence of conscious rebellion. The forgiveness does not have to be sought, only received as the consciousness of re-establishment of loyalty relations between the creature and the Creator. And all the loyal sons of God are happy, service-loving, and ever-progressive in the Paradise ascent.
2010 89:10.6 Patu andeksandmine Jumaluse poolt taastab usalduslikud suhted pärast seda, kui inimene on teadlikult nende suhete vastu mässu tõstnud. Andestust ei pea otsima, see saavutatakse loodud-olendi ja Looja vahelise truuduse teadliku taastamise teel. Ja kõik Jumala ustavad pojad on õnnelikud, nad armastavad oma teenistust ja liiguvad Paradiisi-teel pidevalt edasi.
1955 89:10.7 [Presented by a Brilliant Evening Star of Nebadon.]
2010 89:10.7 [Esitanud Nebadoni Kirgas Õhtutäht.]
| Kiri 88. Fetišid, amuletid ja maagia |
Indeks
Üksikversioon |
Kiri 90. Šamanism — ravitsejad ja preestrid |